(1979). Social Networks and Psychology. Connections, 2 - INSNA

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This analysis is based upon Franco Cagnetta's data of a pre-WW I blood feud in Orgosolo, the author'sfield work in a neighbouring community, and it makes critical use of Alex Weingrod's discussion of Sardicpartronage .BONACICH, Phillip . 1977 . "Using Boolean Algebra to Analyze Overlapping Memberships ." pp . 101-115 inSociological Methodology 1978, edited by Karl F . SchuessZer . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .This paper proposes more advanced techniques for studying interlocking directorates, especially a newtechnique based on homomorphisms in Boolean algebra . "The simplifying homomorphism involves forming classesof groups that contain the same combination of core individuals . The output is an algebra giving relationsbetween these classes of groups . However, a classification of people based on similarity of their membershippatterns may also be desired . The same procedures described previously to classify groups according totheir members can also be used to classify people according to their membership ." Comparisons with othertechniques (Levine, Bonacich 1972, Breiger, Sonquist and Koenig) are made . "The technique described inthis chapter is distinctive in that it not only clusters individuals and groups but also preserves thehierarchial relations existing between them ."BRETON, Raymond (Toronto) . "Stratification and Conflict between Ethnolinguistic Communities with DifferentSocial Structures ." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 15 (2) ( , 1978) : 148-"A critical dimension of ethnic differentiation has to do with the extent to which the ethnic communitieshave parallel social networks and institutions . This dimension has to do with the character of the socialand institutional boundaries between groups . We will refer to the two aspects in question as the degreeof social enclosure and of compartmentalization that exists between ethnic communities" . (extract from paper)COLEMAN, James and Anthony BABINEC (Chicago) . "The Corporate Structure of the Economy and its Effects onIncome ." Zeitschriftfur Soziologie 7(4), (October, 1978) : 335-46 .Transactions in the economy are conceived as exchanges in which the terms of the exchange depend onrelative power of the two parties to it . An indicator of that power is industry concentration (or inthe case of labor, unionization) . Effects of the factors are estimated for the U .S . economy, and a procedureis outlined for comparing the terms of exchange to those in a wholly unconcentrated economy .This allows, in conjunction with an input-output matrix, the comparing of the level of activities and distributionof income in the economy with that which would be found in a wholly unconcentrated economy . Theprocedure for doing this is outlined, but further work remains before the comparison can be carried out .DIEKMANN, Andreas (Hamburg) "A Dynamic Stochastic Version of the Pitcher-Hamblin-Miller Model of 'CollectiveViolence 'Paper presented at a conference on "Mathematical Models of Social Change", Bad Homburg, WestGermany, March 1979 .The deterministic diffusion model of Pitcher, Hamblin, and Miller (1978) is formulated as a timeinhomogenousstochastic process . It will be shown that the stochastic process leads to a negative binomialdistribution . The deterministic diffusion function can be derived from the stochastic model and isidentical to the expected value asterms of the underlying stochasticdistribution for any point in timeobservations .a function of time . Therefore the deterministic model is supported inprocess . Moreover the stochastic model allows the prediction of theand the construction of confidence intervals for a large number ofFIORAVANTI-MOLINIE, Antoinette . "La Communaute Aujourd'hui ." AnnaZes 33 (. pt .-Dec . 1978) : 1182-96 ."Community", the term most often used to characterize contemporary Andean societies, is much tooreductive to be useful . It denies the ethnic nature of these societies and their original features, forit suggests a social structure without internal fragmentation, whereas actually an Andean group oftenconsists of a heterogenous ensemble of parental, residential, and religious units . Moreover, these groupsare differentiated on the economic and social level as well . Finally, the term totally ignores history .Historical study makes it possible to distinguish, within the Andean world, three types of society(beyond those which live as ethnic groups) . These are illustrated in the present article by three examples .San Juan Uchucuanicu (Chancay Valley, Peru) represents the archetype of the "community" in which the indigenousstrain predominates . Its equalitariarism is evident in the distribution of land and water, in theorganization of work, in a way of organizing work which is based on kinship, and in its political organization. But the development of salaried work and the sale of fruit at Lima generates inequalities whichcould threaten to upset its equilibrium . Ambana (Larecaja, Bolivia) is representative of those societieswhich function on the basis of social, territorial, and residential units established at the beginning ofthe colonial period . Its system of landholdings can be reconstructed only if one considers it in the
context of the colonial reduccibn . But Ambaba gradually split up into various social strata in the courseof the XIXth century . This is also the case of Yucay, which is illustrative of those societies that becomeincreasingly divided into social classes with the adoption of a merchant economy . All the same, its ritualsrecall the period when it was organized as a reduccibn .The simultaneous existence of these three examples should bring to light some aspects of the evolutionof Andean societies .CAZENA VE, Noel A . (Temple U .) and Murray A . STRAUS (U . of New Hampshire) "Race, Class, Network Embeddednessand Family Violence : A Search for Potent Support Systems ." To be published in Journal of Comparative FamilyStudies .An attempt was made to identify locality and family-kin networks which reduce the level of familyviolence attitudes and behavior . A sub-sample of 147 Black and 427 white respondents from a nationallyrepresentative sample of 2,143 families were analyzed . Overall Black respondents were more likely to approveof family violence and to have engaged in spousal violence, but less likely to report having slapped orspanked a child within the last year and to have engaged in sibling violence and violence directed againstparents . There were no major differences in Black-white rates of child abuse . However, when income wascontrolled, Black respondents were less likely to have engaged in spousal violence at all income levels,except the $6,000-$11,999 range . Embeddedness in locality and family-kin networks appear to have had anameliorative effect on family violence . The number of years in the neighborhood and the total number ofchildren were both associated with lower levels of family violence and worked most effectively for Blackrespondents . While the number of non-nuclear family adults living in the respondent's household wasassociated with higher levels of spousal violence for whites, it was associated with lower levels for Blackrespondents . It was concluded that although social network embeddedness may act as a violence controlsystem for respondents of all races and classes, these variables do play a decisive role in determiningtheir intensity, direction, and effectiveness in reducing family violence .There is a growing body of literature which suggests that social isolation is a crucial factorassociated with severe forms of family violence . In fact, Garbarino (1977) concludes that social isolationis the most important necessary condition for child maltreatment to occur .Most of these assertions, however, are based on case studies of abusing families . Professionals whowork with severe cases of family violence report that many such families are isolated from social contactswho can provide advice and assistance in child rearing and dealing with marital problems, and who canintervene when things get out of hand . However, that is also true of a great many other American families .Although there is much speculation one does not know from the research published to date if families inwhich child and spousal abuse occur are any more isolated from a network of a socially supportive communityand kin than are other families . The data to be reported in this paper should make an important contributiontowards answering that question .At a more practical level we are concerned with the identification of social networks which reduce thelevel of family violence . If the involvement of a family in potent "support systems" (Caplan, 1974) doesreduce family violence, this has important implications for social workers and social policy makers alike .GODELIER, Maurice . "Infrastructures, Societies, and History ." Current Anthropology 19 (Dec . 1978) : 763-68 .The paper deals with the so-called problem of the dominance of superstructures-kinship, religion,politics-and supports the view that kinship or religion dominates social organization and the thought ofsocial actors when it functions as relations of production and as a framework for material action uponnature . Consequently, it becomes impossible to oppose the dominance of kinship, religion, or politics tothe hypothesis that everything is ultimately determined by economic relationships . But this is only trueif one can see in the distinction between infrastructures and superstructures a distinction of functionsand not of institutions as most Marxists and non-Marxists usually do . A society has no top and no bottom,no levels, and the distinction between infrastructure, superstructures, and ideology has nothing to dowith the various layers of a cake . Furthermore, "productive forces" include both the intellectual and thematerial capacities of men to act upon nature and therefore include an ideel and ideological component .The paper deals with ideology and its role in forming and maintaining dominance relationships (betweensexes, castes, classes, etc .) . When defining those representations which could be classified as ideological,one cannot content oneself with formal criteria alone, with the opposition between "true" and "false" ideas .Nor can one rely only on functional criteria, which classify as ideological the representations which serveto "legitimize" the dominance and exploitation of man by man . In every social relationship there areideel elements, which are not reflexions after the fact, but an integral part of the relationship and areason for its existence .Finally, every theory of ideology presupposes a theory of the formation of dominance relationships-ofone sex over the other, of one caste or class over the others . The task remains of analyzing the role ofviolence and consent in this formative process . The consent of the dominated to their own domination rests
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(1979). Social Networks and Psychology. Connections, 2 - INSNA

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