(1979). Social Networks and Psychology. Connections, 2 - INSNA

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- 80 -emphasized the "circumstances directly encountered, given, and transmitted from the past" in terms ofwhich people act . (1968 ; 15) . Marxian theory, roughly, interprets idea systems which guide action asmore or less close approxima tions to a "true" understanding of social organization -- based either on acorrect perception of class interest ("consciousness"), or on a "rational" but obfuscating descriptionof society ("ideology") . There is no comparable vantage point in Weberian theory fromwhich to judgethe adequacy of meaning for the actor . In principle, "reality" is understood only through the subjectivemeanings of actions .4 . Weber's use of the term "mass" actions here is reminiscent of current concepts such as "collectivebehaviour", in contrast to his-more organizational concepts . This is clearly antithetical to the majorthrust of Weber's work, and his use of such language in his methodological discussions is indicative ofthe problems of attempting to construct social organization through cumulative social actions . LeslieHoward suggested this point .5 . Thus Weber sees bureaucracy as a structure in its own right, and does not, as Wrong (1970 : 23),argues, "identify bureaucracy as a form of social organization with the bureaucrat as a human type" .6 . Aron (1970 : 86-89), discusses the problems of Weber's approach to causality in history . It is nothis specific methodology of comparative historical analysis referred to here, but his general theoreticaland substantive interest in historical explanation .7 . Abner Cohen (1969), in his study of the political and economic leverage in Nigerian society gainedthrough changing Hausa ethnic organization, provides an exciting example of the potentials of such anapproach . See, especially, his theoretical arguments in his introductory and concluding chapters .References :Abel, Theodore, 1969 . Systematic Sociology in Germany . New York : Octagon Books .Aron, Raymond, 1970 . "The Logic of the Social Sciences", in Dennis Wrong (ed .), Max Weber . Englewood Cliffs :Prentice-Hall .Blau, Peter M ., 1963 . The Dynamics of Bureaucracy . Chicago : The University Press .and O .D . Duncan, 1967 . The American Occupational Structure . New York : Wiley .. and Marshall W . Meyer, 1971 . Bureaucracy and Modern Society . New York : Random House .Cohen, Abner, 1969, Custom and Politics in Urban Africa . Berkeley : University of California Press .Crozier, Michel . 1965 . The Bureaucratic Phenomenon . London : Tavistock Publications .Etzioni, Amitai, 1964 . Modern Organizations . Englewood Cliffs, N .J . : Prentice-Hall .Freund, Julian, 1968 . The Sociology of Max Weber . New York : Random House .Howard, Leslie L . 1974, "Industrialization and Community in Chotanagpur", unpublished doctoral dissertation,Cambridge, Harvard University .Levi-Strauss, Claude, 1967 . Structural Anthropology . Garden City, N .Y . : Doubleday & Company, Inc .Marx, Karl, 1963, The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte . New York : International Publishers .Mills, C . Wright, 1963 . Power, Politics, and People . I .L . Horowitz, (ed .) . New York : Ballantine Books .Parsons, Talcott, 1962 . "Sociological Aspects to the Theory of Organization", in Amitai Etzioni, ComplexOrganizations . New York : Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, pp . 32-47 .. 1949 . The Structure of Social Action . Glencoe : The Free Press .Simmel, Georg, 1971 . "The Problem of Sociology", in Donald N . Levine (ed .) George Simmel on Individualityand Social Forms . Chicago : University of Chicago Press .Wagner, Helmut R ., ed ., 1970 . Alfred Schutz on Phenomenology and Social Relations . Chicago : University ofChicago Press .Weber, Max, 1968 . Economy and Society (Wirtschaft and Gesellschaft), An Outline of Interpretive Sociology .Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich (eds .) . New York Bedminster Press .. 1949 . The Methodology of the Social Sciences . Edward A . Shils and Henry A . Finch (eds .) . Glencoe :Free Press .White, Harrison C . 1970 . Chains of Opportunity . Cambridge, Mass ." Harvard University Press .Wrong, Dennis, ed . 1970 . Max Weber . Englewood Cliffs, N .J . : Prentice-Hall, Inc .Zeitlin, Irving M ., 1968 . Ideology and the Development of Sociological Theory . Englewood Cliffs, N .J . :Prentice-Hall, Inc .
- 81 -URBAN SOCIOLOGY IN BRITAIN AND THE STUDY OF SOCIAL NETWORKSChristopher G . Pickvance (U . of Kent at Canterbury)The third biennial Centre for Environmental Studies conference entitled 'Urban Change and Conflict' washeld at Nottingham University in January 1979 . It provided an opportunity to assess trends in British urbansociology in the last five years .In brief, it can be said that during this period a new paradigm has become accepted in the field .The first conference, at York in 1975, had the implicit function of introducing a Marxist perspective,current at that time mainly in French, German and Italian writing, to British urban sociology . The atmospherewas one of confrontation . Ray Pahl, the senior urban sociologist present and promoter of the "urbanmanagerialist" perspective (see Whose City) acted as 'lightning conductor' for the criticism unleashedagainst the 'old guard' . This perspective had focussed attention on the actions of local authority officials(e .g . town planners, housing managers) and private sector actors (e .g . building society managers, landlords)as determinants of people's life chances . It was criticized as cutting short the chain of explanation prematurely,by failing to ask about the forces constraining local authorities, and the private sector - i .e .of failing to relate 'urban' phenomena to the functioning of British capitalism and the role of the statewithin it . This criticism was ambiguous : some critics implied that 'urban managers' or 'gatekeepers' shouldnot be objects of study within a radicalized urban sociology, whereas others saw no reason why they shouldn'tprovided the wider forces within which they acted were brought into the analysis .At the 1975 conference the debate about the new perspective probably seemed cliquish to many participants .This was probably inevitable given the fact that access to the statements of the new perspective was restrictedto those who could read them in the original or to members of various networks through which Englishtranslations passed . The publication in 1976 of my collection Urban Sociology :Critical Essays and in 1977of Harloe's collection Captive Cities and Castells's The Urban Question put an end to this phase . (The Proceedingsof the two Conferences on Urban Change and Conflict, which include both papers and discussion,are also very well worth reading .)The result was that by the time of the 1977 conference, and a fortiori by January 1979, the questionsat issue in the debate were generally understood and it appeared that the new perspective had won the day .In fact, at the 1979 conference there was a disturbing complacency about the proceedings as though peoplefelt that theoretical debates (Marx v . Weber) were a thing of the past and that the point was to get onwith the work of 'normal science' .However this account needs to be amplified . First, no intellectual debate proceeds independent of itssocial surroundings . The crisis phase of capitalism and its reflection in Britain in the selective cuttingof government social expenditures revealed the fragility of a welfare state that people had previously beenable to view as an untouchable part of the modern state . The revelation of the dependence of the welfarestate on the state of the economy and of government responses to preserve the conditions of capitalaccumulation at all costs, greatly facilitated acceptance of a perspective which placed capital accumulationand the role of the state at its centre . At the same time, the widespread rise in social protest providedfertile ground for a perspective which emphasised class struggle in the broadest sense .Second, it is not the case that the British intellectual scene was a tabula rasa on which this newperspective was inscribed . One of the most interesting developments has in fact been what can be calledthe "British response" to the "French School" - though such labels inevitably turn the issue into a replayof the Battle of Hastings . While it is true that British Marxist urban sociology was absent as an importantcurrent, Marxist-inspired writing in the fields of history and general sociology was not . The resultis that there has been a widespread rejection of 'structuralist' elements of French writers such as Castellsand Poulantzas, deriving from Althusser . (n .b . These elements were not to be found in the writings ofLojkine, Preteceille and other 'urban' proponents of the 'state monopoly capitalism' thesis - against which,however, other criticisms developed .)Given the ubiquity of the term 'structure' and its necessity - in my view - to any social scienceanalysis, it should be made clear that the objection was to the abstract level at which the structures werelocated and to the absence of analysis of the processes by which they operated and changed . It was theclassic criticism directed against static analysis in economics, and some versions of functionalism insociology, that the way in which major change came about and the role of political forces in bringing itabout had become excluded . Either the underlying 'structures' had a formal and timeless character andreality was ignored or seen as a mechanical 'playing out' of the structural contradictions they containedor else arbitrary connexions were made between current events and structural contradictions . And asRanciere (1974) argued such arbitrary relations led to political impotence and a retreat to the ivory tower .This critique of "structuralist" Marxism and its disdain for analysing political process was made bothin France and Britain . In each country it had specific origins . In France the rise in strength of the
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(1979). Social Networks and Psychology. Connections, 2 - INSNA

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