(1979). Social Networks and Psychology. Connections, 2 - INSNA

The International Network for Social Network AnalysisLe Reseau International pour ('Analyse des Reseaux SociauxMEMOS :Volume II - Number 2Spring, 197961 NETWORK NOTEBOOK66 MEETING CALENDARCONTENTS69 "Rudimentary Networks Among Urban Organizations : NewModelings of Some Classic Ideas"Herman Turk and Mitsuyo Hanada72 "Are Distributions Really Structures? : A Critiqueof the Methodology of Max Weber"Harriet Friedmann81 "Urban Sociology in Britain and the Study of Social Networks"Christopher Pickvance84 "Research on Interlocking Directorates : An Introduction and ABibliography of North American Sources"Michael Soref87 "Social Networks and Psychology"David Todd89 "Expectations in a Social Network : The Small World of Bochner,Buker, and McLeod Revisited"Linton Freeman92 RESEARCH REPORTS96 SPECIAL JOURNAL ISSUES100 THESIS SUMMARIES103 NEW BOOKS107 COMPUTER PROGRAMS112 ABSTRACTS

EditorandCoordinator :AssociateEditorand Coordinator :Associate Coordinator :Computer ProgramEditors :Barry WellmanBarry LeightonPeterCarringtonEditors'Address :EuropeanEditor : Wolfgang Bick, Institut fur Angewandte Sozialforschung,Universitat zu Koln, Greinstrasse 2, 5 Koln 41, G .D .R .Ronald Breiger and Philip J . Stone, DepartmentCambridge, Mass . 02138, U .S .A .Centre for Urban and Community StudiesUniversity of TorontoToronto, Ontario, Canada M5S hAlof Sociology, Harvard University,AdvisoryCommittee :Janet Abu-LughodJ .A . BarnesColin BellStephen BerkowitzNancy ChapmanTony CoxonBonnie EricksonClaude FischerLinton FreemanHarriet FriedmannGerald GoldMark GranovetterGudmund HernesS . Roxanne HiltzLeslie HowardPeter & Trudy Johnson-LenzCharles KadushinFred KatzT . David KemperSimon LangloisEdward LaumannJoel LevineJ . Clyde MitchellRobert MokkenFranz-Urban PappiChristopher PickvanceBengt RundbladChristopher SmithCharles TillyDavid ToddHerman TurkHarison C . WhitePeter WillmottConnections is published triannually by the International Network for Social Network Analysis at the Centrefor Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto . INSNA Correspondence and Connections subscriptionshould be sent to the Editors' Address . European contributions and Computer material should be sent tothe appropriate Editors' addresses (see above) . Connections is produced by the Editors with voluntaryassistance and is supported entirely by subscriptions . The facilities and assistance of the Centre forUrban and Community Studies, University of Toronto, is gratefully acknowledged .Subscription Rates : Fall, 1978 - Summer, 1979 = U .S . $8 .00 for individuals, including INSNA Membership Fee .The Membership form is at the back of this issue . Institutions :U .S . $16 .00 . Canadians may send localcurrency . Please make all remittances payable to 'INSNA' . Members outside North America please usean International Money Order drawn on a U .S . bank in U .S . currency . Whole volumes only . Issues will besent out only on receipt of payment . These requests are designed to reduce office work and costs .Social Networks subscriptions and renewals will be accepted through INSNA at U .S . $20 .00 per volume forindividuals ; Institutions should contact the Editor or Publisher (See INSNA Membership Form) .Contributions are solicited from Members and colleagues ; papers of any length especially news, abstracts,review of applications of networks in different fields, critiques, problem areas etc .If receipt of a manuscript is desired, please enclose a self-addressed post-card . In order to keep ourcosts down please retain copy of submissions, as manuscripts cannot be returned .HOW TO PREPARE CAMERA-READY COPY FOR CONNECTIONSOur main purpose is to reduce the time and cost of producing the Bulletin . To prepare Connections, we cutand paste copy for a photo-offset process which reduces the typing surface 20% in order to fit into standardNorth American size paper . Copy should be clean for this process and the layout should be uniform and clear .However acceptance of submissions does not depend on their being in camera-ready form .Please use a carbon ribbon on an electric 12-pitch typewriter (12 letters to the inch), with 'PrestigeElite 72' typescript only . The title, author's name and affiliation, and the abstract should be in lightItalic 12-pitch type . All handwork should also be done in black ink . The typing surface should be 8 3/4"by 11 1/4" ( 2 2cm . b y 28cm .), using the full surface with a margin of blank space on all sides . Hence eachline should be no longer than 8 3/4" wide . You will need to use paper that is wider and longer than eitherA4 or letter size : any over-sized, unlined, white paper may be used (eg the back of unused computer printoutpaper) as long as the typing surface is of the specified dimensions with a margin of at least one inchon all sides . Do not type page numbers onto the manuscript : Instead, number the pages lightly in pencilin the upper right hand corner outside the typing surface .Please indent all Qaragraphs five spaces and use double spaces between all paragraphs, headings etc . forclarity after copy is reduced . Major headings, such as left-justified heading in capitals, should be usedinfrequently . Most section headings, including a heading for 'References' should be left-justified, lowercase,and underlined (see (Connections II #1) . The title etc . should be in italics and in capitals ; thena double-space followed by the author and affiliation ; then the abstract indented on both sides ; then atriple-space followed by the text in 'Prestige Elite 72' . Leave titles etc blank if no italics script isavailable but leave an appropriate space and submit this information for us to add . For references, followAmerican Journal of Sociology style, underlining Journals and Book Titles, and using a five space indentfor second and subsequent lines of each reference, Do not begin References or Footnotes on a new pageor allow double spaces between each item listed .

NETWORK NOTEBOOKTheEditors'Request . . . .Now midway through our second year of INSNA, our current membership is at around 300 with less than100 who failed to renew since last year. These numbers reflect the great interest in network analyticapproaches to the analysis of phenomena . Membership applications have come in waves across a wide rangeof disciplines and from many different parts of the world as members' own networks link up with thoseof others . Early waves of membership included sociology, information science and geography disciplinaryaffiliations and were closely followed by anthropology and political science . Half-way through our firstyear, membership links went out to mass communications, social work, psychiatry and psychology in approximatelythat order . Libraries are now keeping Connections on their shelves and a number of research projectsfind our issues a logical source of information for review of the approach .To sustain and stimulate this interest in network analytic approaches, the Editors' request a continuingflow of submissions, ideas, content, etc ., particularly current information on meetings, new books,recent theses, relevant abstracts, and useful computer programs . Papers which review fields or areas ofinterest are especially of value to members desiring to keep up with this rapidly expanding approach .This Notebook section can also advertise 'help wanted' or 'help available' advertisements : recent items ofthis nature have called for assistance in reviews of literature or studies in a particular specialty .A continued flow of contributions ensures that Connections is produced 'on time' : that is, one issueper term (Issue number 1 during August-December, number 2 during January-April, number 3 during May-July) .The current issue is behind schedule due to the 'friction of distance' between the Editors' offices inToronto, where Barry Leighton is located, and Wassenaar, The Netherlands, where Barry Wellman is locateduntil the end of July . We produced this when we had received an 'appropriate' volume of suitablecontent . In addition, our network of voluntary assistance for production has been changing the computerizedmembership over to a more flexible program on our neighbourhood interactive terminal .EuropeanEditor :In response to our growing European membership Wolfgang Bick has agreed to act as our European Editor .He has already requested and begun gathering research reports, papers, comments, notes, etc . from his sideof the Atlantic . He is anxious to promote special sessions at national and international meetings andinvites suggestions, information, etc . accordingly .Our European Editor's address is : Dr . Wolfgang Bick,Institute fur Angewandte Sozialforschung,Universitat zu Kiiln,Greinstrasse 2,5 Koln 41,WEST GERMANY .Next Issue of Connections :Volume II, Number 3 (Summer) is scheduled for around August, 1979 with a deadline for submissionsbefore the end of August . It will consist largely of a new, revised MEMBERSHIP DIRECTORY which will assistmembers in contacting others interested in similar fields, and generally to 'oil the linkages' .Thanks for the Current Issue :Editorial thanks go to those contributors who submitted camera-ready copy . However, please note thatsubmissions in other format does not, by any means, preclude their publication . We would rather receivesubmissions in alternate form than not receive them at all . In fact members could send in photo-copiesof abstracts, meetings, etc . with a scribbled note to alert us that they are for Connections . BarryLeighton, our Associate Editor who has produced this and the past couple of issues thanks for theirassistance : Cathy Morrissey for typing and membership list updating and Colleen Leighton, ChristinaMarmoreo and Liviana Mostacci-Calzavara for proof-reading .Information FlowsRonald Burt is Visiting Associate Professor of Sociology at S .U .N .Y . - Albany .Charles Kadushin has moved to the Center for Social Research, Graduate Center, City University ofNew York .

- 62 -Barry Leighton, Connections' Associate Editor, ends his term with this issue and is off to SimonFraser University, Vancouver, to teach sociology of law and conduct research on support networks amongcrime victims .Samuel Leinhardt is the new editor of Sociological Methodology . His collection of network papers,entitled Social Networks : A Developing ParadiM (New York, Academic Press, 1977) is receiving widespreaduse in network and related courses .Charles Mokken is now Director of Methods and Development, Central Bureau of Statistics, PrinsesBeatrixlaan 428, Voorburg, The Netherlands .Franz Urban Pappi is now at the Institut fUr Soziologie der Christian-Albrechts Universitat,Olshuasenstr . 40/60, D-2300 Kiel 1, West Germany .Jacqueline Scherer has received a U .S . National Institute of Education Research grant to study schoolcommunityrelationships via network analysis during a decade of desegregation, especially relationshipsbetween informal and organizational roles according to race, and a content analysis of the flow of informationalong the networkChris Winship is now at N .O .R .C ., Chicago .Information is requested on other shifts and flows through the network .MDSand ClusteringA bibliography on all multidimensional and clustering techniques holdings in Cologne (about 650entries)is available free of charge .Interested researchers should ask for Wolfgang Bick et al ., Multidimensional Scaling and ClusteringTechniques (Theory and Applications in Sociology) : A Bibliography of the Holdings in Cologne, Version4 (February, 1978) . Institute for Applied Social Research, University of Cologne, Greinstr . 2, 5000KBln 41, West Germany .The compilers offer to include all MDS and clustering papers sent to them in a future compilation ofthe bibliography .A Study of Personal Networks of the ElderlyRobin Armstrong (Geography, U . Guelph) makes available a brief report of her study on "PersonalNetworks and the Elderly in the Northern Portion of Huron County" as part of a Rural Development OutreachProject in Ontario, Canada . This report evaluates the contention that : (i) social networks are of greaterimportance to senior citizens (aged 65 and over) than to members of other age groups of adults ; and(ii) social networks of the elderly are subject to a greater degree of deterioration than those of otherage groups . Hypotheses related to these contentions are tested statistically within the constraintsimposed by the quality of the data available to the researchers .A copy of this report is available from : Information Coordinator, Rural Development Outreach Project,Johnston Hall, University of Guelph, Guelph, Ontario, Canada, N1G 2W1 .For MacrostructuraZ Urbanists"The International Journal of Urban and Regional Research is concerned with the study of conflictinginterests in urban and regional development, demonstrating the social basis of different approaches toplanning and state intervention . One of the journal's most important objectives is to stimulate integratedresearch in a field that offers one of the best opportunities for interdisciplinary work in the socialsciences, and it will take account of the links between sociology, political economy, history, socialanthropology, geography, and demography . In particular, it encourages comparative research that analysesthe diversity of patterns of urbanization throughout the world . A major focus is the examination of emergingalternative structures ."Michael Harloe, Manuel Castells and Chris Pickvance (of INSNA) are theprincipal editors . Subscriptions are !12/$24, from Edward Arnold publishers, 41 Bedford Square, LondonWC1B 3DQ, EnglandMacro-urbanists should also note a fine collection of papers from the antipodes, given at the annual meetingsof the Australian and New Zealand Branch, Urban and Regional Development Section, International SociologicalAssociation, in conjunction with the Urban Section, Sociological Association of Australia and New ZealandConference, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia, May 18 - 21, 1978 . Patrick Mullins(ed) .Contents : Jim Ward "Supporters, Cynics and Sceptics : Three Views of the New Urban Sociology" ; Kate Gillen"New Capitalism, New Marxism" ; Ivan Szelenyi "The Relative Autonomy of the State or State Mode of Production?(Notes on the changing nature of state intervention in urban and regional development under the con-

- 63 -ditions of stagflationary crisis of contemporary capitalism) ; Mighael Jager "A Study on the Study of UrbanSocial Movements" ; Len Eastop "On Participation in an Urban Renewal Scheme" ; Michael Berry "Housing as anElement in the Reproduction of Labour Power" ; Jim Kemeny "Homeownership and Privatisation in CapitalistSocieties : A Cross-Cultural Perspective" ; Bettina Cass "A Critical Evaluation of the Concept of Consumptionin Urban Sociology" ; S .B . Aungles "The Social Consequences of Industrial Development and Industrial DeclineWhyalla : A Case Study" ; E .A . Cleland and R .J . Stimson "Equity and Services in Cities : The Example of MetropolitanAdelaide" :Terry Burke and Kath Hulse "Residential Caravans : A New Housing Class" ; Leslie Kilmartinand David C . Thorns "The Heart Possessed : Ownership of Central Business Areas in Australasia . A ResearchProposal"These papers are available, at A$3 .75 (payable to "ISA Urban Group) including surface postage, from ;Patrick Mullins, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Queensland, St . Lucia, Queensland4067, Australia .For Neighbourhood UrbanistsUrban Affairs Quarterly will have a special issue on "The Revitalization of Inner City Neighbourhoods ."Among the topics the editors have in mind are : empirical studies on inner city revitalization ; theoreticalexplanations of the changing patterns of urban neighborhoods ; life-style differences between urban andsuburban areas ; the political economy of inner city revitalization ; differences between areas that have beenaltered by governmental policies and those that have been "spontaneously" rehabilitated ; documentation ofthe extent of social organizational changes in inner cities ; the impact of population changes on thecommercial and retail life of the inner city ; intra-city migration patterns by class and status ; analysesof the displacement process and of displaced populations . Other topics would be considered . Interestedauthors should send a brief outline of the proposed contribution to Bruce London, Department of Sociology,Mary Washington College, Fredricksburg, Virginia 22401, U .S .A. Three copies of prospective papers shouldbe subiaitted by 1 June 1979 .World Directory of Anthropologists and EthnologistsA computer--based directory of 5000+ anthropologists and ethnologists has been developed . It can printboth lists and labels, retrieving by name and address, in conjunction with country of location, languagesused, geographical or tribal areas of interest, and subject-matter interest . All enquires should beaddressed to Jacqueline Rouah, Current Anthropology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B .C ., CanadaV6Y 1W5 .Letter from NottinghamThe January, 1979 "Urban Change and Conflict" conference (150 and attendees) was the third in a significantseries . The first in 1975 has become retrospectively famous in England as it was the occasion whena number of French and Italian Marxian urbanists (perhaps Manuel Castells is the best known) gave Englishspeaking urbanists the message that their own work had seriously ignored the ways in which class structureand conflict determined urban form and process .Four years later that message sPPms to have been accepted, consolidated and frequently watered down ina mixture of British pragmatic empiricism . Most of the formal papers at the conference were couched insome sort of Marxian structural language ; the informal discussions even more so . Most papers stuck muchmore closely to empirical case study than to abstract generalization . Most tended to use a network cumstructuralist framework to organize and analyze the relationships involved .There were a number of good papers, particularly noteworthy for CONNECTIONS readers are those byRoberts, Saunders, Elliott and McCrone, Newby, and Piven and Cloward . A list of selected papers (seemeeting calendar) summaries (see Abstracts section) follows . Please note that the summaries have beenexcerpted by CONNECTIONS' editors in all but Abrams' case . The absence of a summary implies no editorialjudgement other than the difficulty of properly excerpting . The conference was sponsored by the Centrefor Environmental Studies, London .Mental Health and Social Networks : A Request for Information and AdviceChristopher Smith (Geography, Oklahoma) writes :"Beginning January 1, 1979, I am working as a National Science Foundation Resident with the MentalHealth Association in Oklahoma County . This Residency is a part of NSF's Science for Society Program, andI shall be on leave from my job at the University of Oklahoma for 12 months . During that time, I shall belooking into the situation of mental patients who are discharged from the major mental hospital in centralOklahoma and who returned to live in the Oklahoma City area .The topics I shall be considering are as follows : (1) The individual search for help and serviceswithin the city . I am interested in who they go to for help both formally and informally, and what their

- 64 -sources of information are . (2) I am attempting an interorganizational study of community mental healthfacilities . Specifically, I am interested in how the services in the community operate (or do not operate)as a service network for former mental patients . I am not only interested in how individual mental patientsget hooked into the network, but also how different individuals and professionals within the serviceagencies are connected to each other . In other words, I am interested in who knows who in the mental healthnetwork in Oklahoma City, how information in transmitted through the network, and how referrals are made fromone agency to the other . (3) I am also interested in investigating some of the dominant community attitudestoward mental patients living in urban neighbourhoods . In this context, I am specifically concerned withthe differences between attitudes held by people in neighborhoods that have high concentrations of formermental patients and neighborhoods where no mental patients live . In this sense, I am hoping to test thehypothesis that acceptance of mental illness is inversely related to the distance individuals are able tokeep between themselves and any manifestation of mental illness .I am interested in hearing from anyone who is interested in any of these topics, and who would like tohear more about what I plan to do . It would be especially useful, however, to hear from people who had somesuggestions to make about how I might proceed in any of these areas . I am, of course, concerned to locateand hear about other studies that have been done in these areas, and to obtain guidance from individualswho might be experts in the field . I am currently at the pilot stage, searching through the literatureand devising methodologies, so I would be very appreciative of any help that other Network members couldprovide ."MomHelp Wanted:AdviceonScaling Social Support :"I am presently working on a longitudinal study investigating life stress and illness . We have developeda scale in order to measure the mediating influence of the social support network . To describe briefly,the respondent is asked to list individuals with whom he or she has discussions relating to potentiallystressful areas of social functioning (i .e . home and family) . Also the relationship, helpfulness andreciprocity are recorded for each listed individual . In addition, we ask about the respondent's networkof key figures . I have been considering the appropriateness of our scale for network analysis . Could youplease direct me to a person who could give some advice and direction concerning our scale and networkanalysis?" Deborah Scott, McMaster University, Life Events Study, 3H, 1200 Main Street West, Hamilton,Ontario, Canada, L8S 4J9 .What Use is Network Analysis?A Comment from our Peripatetic Editor : (Barry WeZZman)"At a chic Wassenaar cocktail party the other week, I was challenged to defend the intellectualusefulness of network analysis . My first sally was that "it enables us to frame important new questions"--thinking here of White's Chains of Opportunity, small world studies and such-- but an ethnomethodologist inthe crowd retorted that anybody can invent new questions . I went on to point out all the new techniquesfor measuring and modelling aspects of social structure--from density - knitting to block-modelling--andfor gathering data in new ways -- such as British and North American attempts to get at non-local, nonsolidary,non-tribal networks .But this didn't satisfy my interlocutors . "Mere fiddling!" One philosopher of science agreed to letme off the hook only if I could show examples of where network folk have gone head-to-head with other modesof analysis and come up with more powerful analyses . A few favorite examples immediately came to mind :(1) The studies of contentions for power and collective violence by Charles Tilly and others have clearlyrun the mass society/relative deprivation psychologistic enthusiasts "out of the rink", as we say in Canada(see Tilly's updated review article in the forthcoming revised edition of Violence in America, edited byGraham and Gurr) (2) African and Indian studies (e .g . Leslie Howard) of third world rural-urban migrantshave greatly shaken the"attitude change as a cause of modernization perspective . (3) The whole corpus ofrelations between countries--or between interest groups within and across countries--which started at thetime of Gunder Frank and others' formulation of "dependency theory" and has now moved beyond that in thework of such as Immanuel Wallerstein and Harriet Friedmann .But surely there must be others who didn't leap immediately to mind under the influence of such fiercequestioning . So I pass the buck to you . Please send Connections statements of comparative network andnon-network explanations of similar phenomena (with as full citations as possible) . Modest authors, whoforebear to cite themselves, can be assured of anonymity as to the source ."Social Change and Collective ActionRecent papers from the Center for Research on Social Organization, 330 Packard Street, University ofMichigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48104, U .S .A . (Our thanks to Quantum for this compilation) . Reports havea minimum fee of 50 cents, with a rate of roughly 1 cent per page for longer reports .John Boyd, R .A . Schweitzer and Charles Tilly . 1978 . "British Contentious Gatherings of 1828" . CRSOWorking Paper 171 .Oliver Carsten . 1977 . "Work and the Lodge : Fraternalism in Meriden and New Britain, Connecticut,"CRSO Working Paper 157 .

Michael Pearlman . 1977a . "Great Britain, 1828-1834 : Historiography and Selected Bibliography" . CRSOWorking Paper 159 .1977b . "Some Political Issues in Nineteenth-Century Britain . Part One : The Governmentand Workers' Associations, the Rural Rebellions of 1830, Parish Government, Catholic Emancipation" . CRSOWorking Paper 160 .. 1977c . "Some Political Issues in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Part Two : The Rights ofCollective Association and Assembly ; Parliamentary Reform : Industrial Conflict" CRSO Working Paper 165 .Charles Tilly . 1978a . "Studying Social Movements/Studying Collective Action" . CRSO Working Paper 168 .1978d . "The Web of Collective Action in Eighteenth Century Cities" . CRSO Working Paper174 .Charles Tilly and R .A . Schweitzer . 1977 . "Contentious Gatherings in Great Britain, 1828-1833 : ProvisionalPlans for Enumeration and Coding" . revised version . CRSO Working Paper 163 .Oliver Zunz . 1977a . "Detroit's Ethnic Neighborhoods at the End of the Nineteenth Century", CRSO WorkingPaper 161 .Dissertations (write to authors directly) :- 65 -Ronald Aminzade . 1978 . "Class Struggles and Social Change : Toulouse, France, 1830-1870 unpublisheddoctoral dissertation in sociology, University of Michigan .Frank Munger . 1977 . "Popular Protest and its Suppression in Early Nineteenth Century Lancashire,England : A Study of Theories of Protest and Repression", unpublished doctoral dissertation in sociology,University of Michigan .Topics for a Course on "The Analysis of Social Networks"(submitted by Paul MuZZer, KoZn)Social Networks--a New Paradigm?The Network Structure of Informal RelationsPrimary Environments : Egocentric NetworksNetwork Density and Conjugal RolesCommunity as a Network of NetworksMediating Everyday Life and Societal InstitutionsThe Search for Specialized PersonsReachability of Local ElitesNetworks of Collective ActorsStructure of Local Elite NetworksDecisions within Networks : Patterns of Conflict and CoalitionStructure of the Network of Formal OrganizationsSocietal Interlocks : Positions and Collective ActorsFormal and Informal Relations between CorporationsNational Elites : Monolithic or Polycentric?Any suggestions for readings on these topics?RENEW NOW : CONNECTIONS VOL . III (1979-1980)SOCIAL NETWORKS VOL, II (1979-1980)RENEWAL FORM AT THE BACK OF THIS ISSUE .

- 6 6 -MEETING CALENDARAMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, ANNUAL MEETINGSBoston, U .S .A . ; August 27-31, 1979SOCIAL NETWORKS Session .Organizer : Ron S . Burt (Sociology, UC at Berkeley and SUNY at Albany)Presider : Linton C . Freeman (Social Relations, Lehigh U ., Bethlehem, Penn .)Discussant : Ron S . BurtMaureen T . Hallinan and Ed Hutchins (Sociology, U . of Wisconsin, Madison) "Structural Effects on DyadicChange"Joseph Galaskiewicz (Sociology, U . of Minnesota, Minneapolis) and Stanley Wasserman (Applied Statistics,U . of Minnesota) "A Dynamic Study of a Corporate Network ."Christopher Winship (National Opinion Research Center, Chicago) and Michael Mandel "Roles, Positions andNetworks ."Ann Goetting (Anthropology and Sociology, Western Kentucky U .) . "Behavior Expectations Associated withFormer-Spouse/Current-Spouse Relationships ."Clio Ziani (Social Psychology, Teachers College, Columbia U .) and Charles Kadushin (Graduate School andUniversity Center, City U . of New York) . "Network Density and Mental Health : The Experience of theVietnam Generation ."Richard E . Ratcliff and Kay Oehler (Sociology, Washington U , St . Louis) . "Networks of Financial Power :An Analysis of the Impact of the Internal Structure of the Capitalist Class on the Behavior ofBanks ."THEMATIC PANELS"Complex Organizations" (Kanter, Perrow, Blau)"Political" (Linz, Birnbaum, Gamson)"Development" (Abu-Lughod, Wallerstein, Marian Levy, Portes)"Family and Kinship" (Reuben Hill, Farber, Straus, Parsons)"Social Movements and Collective Behavior" (Killian, Gary Marx, Zald)"Urban Ecology and Community" (Frisbie, Sennett, Suttles)SECTION ON COMMUNITY : ROUNDTABLE DISCUSSIONS (Selected)Rosalie G . Genovese (St . John Fisher) "Women's Self-Help Networks in the Suburbs"Donald I . Warren (Oakland) "Can Social Networks answer the 'Community Question'?"Albert Hunter (Northwestern) "The Sixth Circle : Forces in Urban Contraction"Charles R . Simpson (SUNY-Plattsburgh) "Communal Processes versus Market Processes in the Art World : TheCase of SoHo"Barry Wellman (Toronto) "Approaches to the Study of the Impact of Large-Scale Divisions of Labor on theStructure of Community Ties"WORLD FORUM OF INTERNATIONAL TRANSNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS .Brussels, Belgium; June 23-27, 1980 .FROM INTERNATIONAL TO TRANSNATIONALDiscussion Commissions : 1 . The Association Phenomenon--Its Nature, Its Significance2 . Participation of Associations in the World Order3 . Transnational Communication in the World Today4 . Meeting Sociology, Dynamics, PracticalitiesMore information from : Secretariat of the Forum, Union of International Associations, Rueaux Laines 1,1000 Brussels, Belgium . Tel : 02/511-83-96 .

- 67 -MIGRATION AND SETTLEMENT . (Short Course .) International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis .September 3-14 . Laxenburg, Austria .THE DYNAMICS OF MODERN INDUSTRIAL CITIES : COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON ORDER AND DISORDER . University ofConnecticut Department of History and U .S . Department of Housing and Urban Development . September 29-29 .Storrs, Connecticut," U .S .A .Four areas : role of family neighborhood ; class tension and mechanisms of social control ; economy of cities ;survival of industrial cities .PAST MEETINGSI4THL71ATISCHF ANSATZE ZUR An',ILYSE SOZIALER MAC'IT . March 9-11, 1978 . Bad Homburg, West Germany .Organized by Hans J . Hummell (Sociology, Duisberg, West Germany) .Viktor Vanberg "Bilateral Exchange and Markets : - Combining Resources and Corporate Bodies"Gudmund Hernes "The Open Input-Output Model, Collective Decisions and Policy Analysis"James Coleman and Anthony Babinec "The Corporate Structure of the Economy and Contributions to IncomeInequality"Edward 0 . Laumann and Peter V . Marsden "The Analysis of Oppositional Structures in Political Elites : IdentifyingCollective Actors"S .D . Berkowitz, Y . Kotowitz, L . Waverman and P . Carrington "Economic Structure and Market Power in Canada"Robert J . Mokken and Frans N . Stokman "The 1972 Intercorporate Network in the Netherlands"Robert J . Mokken and Frans N . Stokman "Corporate-Governmental Networks in the Netherlands"Rolf Ziegler "Some Reflections on the Study of Interlocking Directorates"WORKSHOP ON INTERORGANIZATIONAL NETWORKS BETWEEN LARGE CORPORATIONS AND GOVERNMENT . (European Consortiumfor Political Research) Brussels, Belgium; April 17-21, 1979 .Directed by Robert Mokken (Netherlands Central Bureau of Statistics) and Frans Stokman (Political Science,Groningen) .Raimo Lintonen (Political Science, Helsinki) "Conditions and Consequences of Interorganizational Relations"Barry Wellman (Sociology, Toronto and NIAS) "Network Analysis : Notes on its Development, Explanatory Goalsand Some Key Formulations ."Werner D . von der Ohe (Sociology, Munchen) Paper on innovation and corporate-government networks .Gerrit Jan Zijlstra (Steinmetzarchives) "The Organization of Organizations : Interlocking Directorates andtheir Analysis ."Gerhard Reissner (Munchen) "Implications of Legal Regulations for the Study of Interlocking Directorates andFinancial Participations"Michael P . Allen (Centre de Sociologie de L'Innovation, Paris) . "Recent Research on Corporate Networks inthe United States and Canada : Unresolved Methodological Problems and New Theoretical Issues ."Meindert Fennema (Political Science, Amsterdam), et al . "Interlocking Directorates and the InternationalLevel, 1970-1976 ."Michel Vessiere (Louvain-la-Neuve) "The Network of Public Financial Institutions in Belgium"Peter Rusterholz (Zurich) "Power-Structures in the Swiss Economical System"Antonio M . Chiesi (Sociology, Calabria) "Interlocking Directorates in Italy in 1961 and 1973"Illka Heiskanen, Errki Johanson (City Hall, Espoo, Finland), et al . "The Impact of Institutional EconomicStructure on the Realization of Public Policy"Huibert Schijf (Sociology, Amsterdam) "Networks of Interlocking Directorates and Business Elites at theTurn of the 20th Century of the Netherlands"Robert J . Mokken and Frans S'tokman "Information and Cooptation : A Comparative Analysis of 2 IncompleteNetworks in the Netherlands"Onno Boonstra (Sociology, Groningen) "From Credit to Control : Interlocking Directorates as a Way of Regulatingthe Relations between Financial Institutions and Corporations"Ludo Cuyvers and Wim Meeusen (Antwerp) "A Time Series Analysis of Concentration in Belgian Banking andHolding Companies Using the Structure of Interlockinv Directorates, 1938-1976"Willy van Poucke (Sociology, Gent) "The Interorganizational Structure of the Belgian-Luxemburg Steel Sector :Longitudinal Network Analysis of the System of Interlocking Directorates"

- 68 -Harry Eggan (Political Science, Amsterdam) and Peter Neijens (Free University of Amsterdam) "IntercorporateNetworks in the Dutch Oil Industry : Interlocking Directorates at Different Levels"Jeanne Becquart-Leclercq (Lille II) "Relational Networks of Mayors with Respect to Policy Outputs"Carsten Frerk (Political Science, Free University of Berlin) "Historical Changes in the Centrality of aPolitical Network"Kjell Eliassen (Political Science, Aarhus) and Erik Damgaard "Decision-Making Networks in Danish Law-Making""PROCESSES OF THE WORLD-SYSTEM" . 3d . ANNUAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE WORLD SYSTEM CONFERENCE .Fernand BraudeZ Center, SUNY-Binghamton ; Binghamton, N .Y . 13 :01, U .S .A . May 11-13, 1979(Selected Papers)Immanuel Wallerstein (Braudel Center) and David Gordon (Economics, New School for Social Research) "TheUtility of Cycles and Trends--A Dialogue"(Several other sessions on political cycles and long waves)Thomas Holloway (History, Cornell) "Peasants, Proletarians, and Producers : Brazil, 1880-1940"Jason Clay (Anthro ., Harvard) "Agriculture and Social Organization in Brazil's Agreste, 1945-1978"Martin Murray (Soc ., SUNY-Binghamton) "The Development of Capitalism in South African Agriculture, 1902-1952"Cynthia H . Enloe (Gov ., Clark) "States' Ethnic Divisions of Labor in the World Political Economy"Charles C . Ragin (Soc ., Indiana) "The Political and Structural Bases of Celtic Resur~,ence in Britain"Charles Berquist (History, Duke) "Bourgeoisification and Proletarianization in the Semi-periphery : Working-Class Politics in Argentina and Chile Compared"Walter Goldfrank (Soc ., California--Santa Cruz) "Silk and Steel : Italy and Japan between the Wars"Robert Bach (Braudel Center) "Methodology of World-System Analysis : On the Holism of a World-System Perspective"(with Panel Discussion by Chris Chase-Dunn (Soc ., Johns Hopkins), Terence Hopkins (Braudel Center),Ramkrishna Mukherjee (Indian Statistical Institute, Calcutta)AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE . National Meeting . January 3-8, 1979 . Houston, Texas,U .S .A . Among t7w Papers Presented :Eugene P . Erickson and William L . Yancey (Sociology, Temple) "Immigrants and their Opportunities : Philadelphia1850-1936"Edna Bonacich (Sociology, California-Riverside) "New Immigrant Small Business as a Form of Cheap Labor"Alejandro Portes (Sociology, Duke) and Robert L . Bach (SUNY- Binghamton) "Dual Labor Markets and Immigration :The Case of Recent Cuban and Mexican Immigration"A featured session was "The Frontiers of the Social Sciences : Anthropology, Biological Psychology, NetworkTheory and Methods" Participants were Charles Kadushin, Meredith P . Crawford, Priscilla Reining,Richard N . Adams, Sandra W . Scarr .URBAN CHANGE AND CONFLICT . Sponsored by the Centre for Environmental Studies (London) . January, 1979 .Nottingham .Abrams, Philip (Sociology, Durham) "Urban Collapse : Notes on the Non-Urban Nature of an Urban Phenomenon ."(Abstract in this issue)Roberts, Bryan (Sociology, Manchester) "Mobility of Labour, the Industrial Economy and State Provision ."(Abstract in this Issue)Saborit, Ignasi (Sociology, Manchester) "The Comparative Approach in Urban and Industrial Politics : Spainand England ."Elliott, Brian and David McCrone (Sociology, Edinburgh) "Power and Domination in the Modern City"Saunders, Peter (Sociology, Sussex) "Community Power, Urban Managerialism and the 'Local State"'Newby, Howard (Sociology, Essex) "Urbanization and the Rural Class Structure : A Case Study"(Abstract in this Issue) .Piven, Frances Fox (Political Science, Boston University) and Richard Cloward "State Structures andPolitical Protest : Notes Toward a Theory"Shapiro, Dan (Lancaster) "Industrial Relations in the Wilderness : Working for North Sea Oil ."(Abstract in this Issue) .MATHEMATICAL MODELS OF SOCIAL CHANGE . Bad Homburg, West Germany, March 15-17, 1979 .Organized by Hans Hummell (Duisberg, West Germany) . Selected Papers :Hamblin, Robert (Arizona-Tucson) "Modelling Political Conflict and Violence : Latin America 1946-1975"Nielsen, Francois (Chicago) "Political Competition and the Dynamics of Mobilization : The Rise of theFlemish Movement in Belgium"Kappelhoff, Peter (Kiel) "Dynamic Analysis in Friendship Networks"Diekmann, Andreas (Sociology, Hamburg) "A Dynamic Stochastic Version of the Pitcher-Hambtin-Miller Model of'Collective Violence "'(abstract in this issue)Sorensen, Aage B . (Sociology, Oslo & Wisconsin-Madison) "Career Patterns and Job Mobility"(Abstract in thisIssue)

-69-PAPERSRUDIMENTARY NETWORKS AMONG URBAN ORGANIZATIONS : NEW MODELINGS OF SOME CLASSIC IDEASHerman Turk (Sociology, University of Southern California) andMitsuyo Hanada (Institute of Business Administration and Management, Tokyo)ABSTRACT . The study of interorganizationaZ relations has provided an arena in which theoccurrence of network surrogates can be predicted using modern versions of order, numbers,ingroup-outgroup, and environmental-historical approaches . Predictive equations are provided,by way of illustration, for 104 of the largest cities in the United States . Isomorphismrequired departures from ubiquitous monotonic, linear and additive specification--a warning against premature commitment to "content-free" methodologies .The "star" (Moreno, 1936 : passim) or "wheel" (Bavelas, 1950) is a rudimentary network that falls justshort of a limit of no connections at all . Its importance to interorganizational theory, however, has beenemphasized by the concept of organization-set, which refers to a focal organization and those other organizationswith which it interacts (Evan 1966, 1976) . In keeping with community research but departing fromthose network inquiries that assume the focal organization as given, our pilot analyses explored theconditions under which one kind of focal organization emerges within undefined, but presumably complex,multi-organizational settings . To do so, we draw upon classic formulations of social structure and point toforms of specification other than ones in vogue .The Substantive ProblemTo the extent that the organizations within a common environment affect one another's fates, eitherthrough conflict or exchange, there is a tendency for them to come to terms with one another (Latham, 1959 ;Litwak and Hylton, 1962 ; Emery and Trist, 1965 ; Terreberry, 1968 ; Pfeffer and Salancik, 1978 : 143-187) .We explore this neo-Hobbesian account of accord arising out of chaos by seeking conditions under whichcities have certain kinds of voluntary associations that focus on shared interests among the organizationsin the area -- associations that might well be considered network foci .To do this, however, requires identifying not only the mutual needs for predictability and survivalthat encourage the existence of this kind of focal organization but also the deterrents to its occurrence .Here too we look to modern versions of classic social thought . First, although a complex multiorganizationalsetting generates the need for these common interest associations, its very complexity affectstheir ability to function . The sheer number of organizations generates need to articulate shared interestsbut at the same time impedes both the sharing and its discovery (Simmel, 1908 : 55-57, 473, 628-629) . Thesemutually opposing effects have been, respectively, conceived as well as shown to produce an inverted "U"in the case of statistical association between number of organizations and the occurrence of interorganizationallinkage (Litwak and Hylton, 1962 ; Pfeffer and Salancik, 1978 : 156-157, 166) . We predicted thisnonmonotonic relationship in the case of our city-wide associations .The second deterrent to the occurrence of such associations is rooted in the inverse relationship thathas been claimed -- on the basis of models of ingroup-outgroup relations, of system-subsystem conflict, andof mass society (reviewed by Turk, 1977 :65-66) -- between linkage or accord among the elements of a socialunit and how externally linked these elements are with elements outside the unit . Thus we predicted thatthe variety and number of a city's external links would have a negative effect on the occurence of citywideassociations .But still another classic problem is to establish conditions under which the properties of a socialunit (here the large city) affect one another directly, compared to their being more weakly coupled effectsof common environmental or historical causes . Parsons' adaptations of cybernetic approaches (1977 : passim .)as well as contemporary works on social constructions and on political economy raise this question quitegenerally . But it has also been raised in the special areas of small groups (Turk, 1961 ; Turk and Turk,1962 ; Cloyd, 1965), formal organizations (Aldrich and Pfeffer, 1976 ; Hannan and Freeman, 1977 ; Meyer andBrown, 1977 ; Meyer and Rowan, 1977) ; and -- most pertinently for our purposes -- in the area of relationshipsbetween locality and nation (Warren, Rose, and Bergunder, 1974, Turk, 1977 ; passim . ; Turk andHanada, 1978) .In the instance at hand we are interested in the conditions under which certain aspects of the large

- 70 -city's organizational structure, including both the number of local organizations as well as organizationallinks to the extralocal environment, affect another aspect of that organizational structure, the existenceof wheel-like networks as measured by city-wide associations . Here the condition available for study ishow recently the city has become large ; we argue that time works against locally measurable causation oflocal events . In brief, this means our having expected the strength of the predicted statistical relationsto vary inversely with how long the city had had at least 50,000 inhabitants . The newer the city, thestronger the covariation among the city's structural properties .The Problem of Empirical IsomorphismWe examined the largest city (ignoring ones with fewer than 100,000 inhabitants) in each of 104 (outof 110) standard metropolitan statistical areas (SMSAs) for which data were complete . The sheer numberof organizations of all kinds that were located in the area (standardized by number of inhabitants) constitutedone component of prediction (source : U .S . Bureau of the Census, County Business Patterns, 1962) .The number of national headquarters of voluntary associations (source : Gale Research Bureau, Encyclopediaof Associations 1961) constituted the (now widely used) surrogate measure of the city's external links(see Turk, 1977 : 40-43, 93 for discussions of the indicator's validity and use) . The dependent variablewas the number of voluntary associations mentioned by knowledgable informants in 1961 as being highlyvisible and relevant to such broad properties as city-wide consensus, cohesion, and civic pride ; anymention of contest against such an association caused us to remove it from consideration . (For detaileddescription of this measure, which has been used extensively, and for assessments of its reliability andvalidity see Turk, 1977 : 66-73 .) That these associations, once they are mentioned as important to thecity, are likely to have been focal organizations in networks is a reasonable assumption, as the followingexamples will show : Chambers of commerce, booster groups, and other kinds of business, professional, andservice clubs ; community chest and other kinds of fund-raising organizations (not simply drives) ; a laborcouncil and a taxpayer's association . As we have mentioned, each city was also classified according tothe census year in which it first had 50,000 inhabitants . 1920-1960 was considered "new ;" 1890-1910,"fairly new" ; and before 1890 was called "old ."The phrasing of our substantive problem demands departure from path or factor analysis and from otherpopular techniques that describe social units as though covariation among properties were simply linearand additive . We argue that most socialstructural theory, including network theory, requires thedesignation of joint or multiplicative effects . Not only may sociology be too closely wedded to linearityand additivity, but it might also fail to give nonmonotonicity its full due .Here we expected that how long a city has been large, how many organizations there are within it ornearby, and how many of these different organizations are externally linked to operate multiplicativelyin ways to be described . The contribution made by number of organizations to such joint effects wasexpected to be nonmonotonic .Specification of our model began with measuring each SMSA's deviation from the mean number of organizations. Having too few organizations is taken to mean little need for those wheel-like networks likelyto have city-wide associations at their hubs . Having too many is taken as an impediment to the occurrenceof these networks . Thus, all things equal, departure from the mean number of organizations reduces thelikelihood of city-wide associations . The absolute value of such deviation in number of organizations(DNoOrg) was multiplied by two dummy variables that measured, respectively, whether or not the city is"new" (N) and whether or not it is "fairly new" (FN) . The number and variety of external links (Ext) wasmultiplied by the same two dummy variables . These four products -- one of them based on a nonmonotonicfunction -- constituted the predictors of city-wide associations (CityWAss) . They produced the followingresults in the form of standardized partial regression coefficients (beta weights) :City WAss = - .19DNoOrg x N - .20DNoOrg x FN - .16Ext x N - .13Ext x FNAll coefficients are in the expected direction and significant at least at the .10 level . Elevenpercent of the variation is explained by this equation . However, the similarity of results between thenew and fairly new cities, as well as hindsight provided by a cluster analysis to be published elsewhere(Turk and Hanada, 1978), led to some modifications in our specification .We recognized, first, that capacity alone, in the form of low external linkage, could not influencethe occurrence of city-wide associations unless there also existed a need for them . Capacity and needoperate multiplicatively ; where either one is absent, nothing will happen at all . Nor can low externallinkage overcome the negative effects of too many organizations . Unexpectedly, however, the clusteranalysis also suggested that external linkage did not impede city-wide associations in cities that hadnearly the mean number of associations . These observations may be summarized as follows : Among citiesthat are not too old (NO), (1) how close each one is to having the mean number of organizations affectsthe occurrence of city-wide associations independently of the amount of external linkage ; and (2) externallinkage has its effect only insofar as the number of organizations deviates from the mean, but does notdeviate too far . This second observation required construction of a dummy variable that refers to citiesmidway in their deviation from the mean number of organizations (MDNoOrg) . Its use in the following equation(having modified Ext by removing the effect of age of city, with which it is highly correlated),

provided the following improved specification :CityWAss =- .28DNoOrg x NO - .28MDNoOrg x Ext x NOBoth standardized partial regression coefficients are in the expected direction and significant atthe .005 level . The explained variation has increased by one-third to 15 percent . Clearly, both impuritiesin the indicators (three described the city, for example, and one the SMSA) and necessarily arbitraryassumptions about measurement in at least one case (the mean as reference point) affected the unexplainedvariation . It is also true, however, that we have not included all of the relevant variables ; such was notour intention . Further, our subsequent work will attempt to separate the level of need, which the numberof organizations estimates, from the level of incapacity measured by that same indicator .But what of main effects or lower order statistical interaction? This question is frequently askedas a matter of routine, because of the close association likely between interactive terms and theirconstituents . But the question, "What of higher order interaction?" could be posed for this very samereason at other times when only simpler effects have been reported . The last is less routinely asked --because of the methodological customs, we believe, to which we have already referred . Bowing to custom,however, where observance might impeach our finding, we did allow our two effects of theoretical interestto compete with all lower order effects in a stepwise regression procedure . The hypothesized equationresulted . All other variables save one failed to meet the probability of .50 required for entry ; thisone, which failed to reach the .30 level, served to increase the hypothesized effects .ConclusionsIt is possible to predict a surrogate measure of rudimentary networks that consist of focal and otherorganizations within urban settings . Though the area of application is new, the conceptual models arenot -- making use as they did of the Hobbesian solution to social order, of Simmel's discussion of theeffect of numbers of organized elements on supraorganization, and of sociology's long concern with societal-environmentalconstraints placed on free interplay among sub-societal events .Using these conceptual guides, it has proven possible to identify some multiplicative and nonmonotoniccorrelates of associations that represent the shared interests of a city's other organizations . By theirvery nature these associations suggest the presence of interorganizational networks that approximate stars(wheels) . If the city is not very old, the correlates are (1) the extent to which the number of organizationsmakes city-wide associations necessary but not impossible and (2) the extent to which external linksare few, provided that the number of organizations is such as to signify either marginal need or marginalincapacity .There is danger, as we have suggested, in undue preoccupation with method without substance . It wouldbe sad if network analysis were to be held captive by modern techniques -- however exciting and superiorto our own crude network measure some of these are . That sociology has unduly emphasized monotonicity,linearity, and additivity for so long should provide a pointed lesson . Authors' note : Levine and Mullinshave made a related point in this journal last summer (pp . 16-23), with respect to uncritical use ofblockmodeling . Unfortunately we discovered this after our own work was too far along to benefit by theirinsights .References :Aldrich, Howard E . and Jeffrey Pfeffer, 1976 . "Environments of Organizations ." Annual Review of Sociology2 :79-105 .Cloyd, Jerry S ., 1965 . "The Small Group as Social Institution ." American Sociological Review 30 :394-402 .Emery, F .E . and E .L . Trist, 1965 . "The Causal Texture of Organizational Environment ." Human Relations18 :21-32 .Evan, William M ., 1966 . "The Organization - Set : Toward a Theory of Interorganizational Relations ."pp . 175-191 in James D . Thompson (ed .), Approaches to Organizational Design . Pittsburg : Universityof Pittsburg Press .Evan, William M ., 1976 . "An Organization-Set Model of Interorganizational Relations ." pp . 78-90 inWilliam M . Evan (ed .), Interorganizational Relations . Middlesex : Penguin Books .Hannan, Michael T . and John H . Freeman, 1977 . "The Population Ecology of Organizations ." American Journalof Sociology 82 :929-964 .Latham, Earl, 1952 . The Group Basis of Politics . Ithaca, New York : Cornel University Press .Litwak, Eugene and Lydia F . Hylton, 1962 . "Interorganizational Analysis : A Hypothesis on CoordinatingAgencies ." Administrative Science Quarterly 6 :395-420 .Meyer, John W . and Brian Rowan, 1977 . "Institutionalized Organizations : Formal Structure as Myth andCeremony ." American Journal of Sociology 83 :340-363 .Meyer, Marshall W . and M . Craig Brown, 1977 . "The Process of Bureaucratization ." American Journal ofSociology 83 :364-385 .Parsons, Talcott, 1977 . Social Systems and the Evolution of Action Theory . New York : Free Press .?eferences continued on Page 83 .

- 72 -ARE DISTRIBUTIONS REALLY STRUCTURES? : A CRITIQUE OF THE METHODOLOGY OF MAX WEBER*Harriet Friedmann (Sociology, U .of Toronto)ABSTRACT . Two conceptions of social structure may be distinguished : structural approachesanalyze the patterns of relations among units, while distributional approaches seek todepict social structure through determining the distributionsofcharacteristicsoftheunits . Through explicitly developing the analytical method of constructing organizedsocial forms from probabilistically conceived social actions, Weber systematically definedthe aggregative and distributional logic which underlies much contemporary sociology . Anexamination of his studies of bureaucracy and of class and status, reveals that Weberabandoned his methodological strictures in favour of a more structural approach when hissubstantive and theoretical analysis required it . An understanding of the limitations ofdistributional conceptions of social structure points to theoretical and methodologicalapproaches through which sociologists can build on both the distributional and thestructural aspects of Weber's work .At least two fundamentally different conceptions of social structure can be identified, which Ishall call structural ) and distributional . The first defines structure as patterns of relations amongunits, whether individuals, organizations, or groups . The second, often implicitly, seeks to depictsocial structure through determining distributionsof characteristicsoftheunits, whether they beshared norms or values, or socio-economic attributes . Both approaches have been taken, for example, inmobility studies, and a simplified contrast may clarify the distinction . A structural approach determinesboth the existing paths of mobility within the organized set of positions (not occupational categories) insociety and the career lines determined by the patterns of recruitment into those positions . A distributionalstrategy approaches social structure less directly, through its reflection in the distribution ofrewards (such as income or status), and seeks to determine the distribution of characteristics (such aseducation, motivation, or father's occupation) of mobile and non-mobile individuals . I shall return tothis example in my conclusions .This paper is a critical examination of one of the classical sources of distributional, or aggregative,strategies of social analysis, the methodology of Max Weber . Weber's ideal-typical social actionsare rooted in probabilities of the occurrence of given meaningful behaviours ; he bases his constructionof organizational forms sometimes on the simple aggregation of these actions, and other times, on thedistributions of types of action among the population of social actors . The importance of Weber's work isuniversally recognized among sociologists, and a wide range of researchers, from ethnographers2 to surveyanalysts, draw upon his social action methodology . For Weber social action is based on the subjectivemeanings of individuals, and social structures are derived from the probabilities of occurrence of idealtypicalsocial actions . The subjective aspect of his approach is immensely important and has often beenthe focus of analysis and criticism . Yet the probabilistic underpinnings of Weberian analysis have rarelybeen examined . Nor have either the implications of restricting the unit of analysis to probabilisticallyconceived ideal-typical social actions, or the derivation of structure to the aggregations of these units .In what follows, I shall not seek to characterize the whole of Weber's methodology, still less the richnessof his historical studies . Instead, I shall attempt to explicate that part of his approach based onprobabilistic analytical constructions .What will emerge is that Weber both systematically defined the aggregative and distributional logicwhich underlies much contemporary sociology, and at crucial points in his substantive work, abandoned itin favour of a more formal and structural approach . As Zeitlin (1968) convincingly argues, Weber shouldnot be read in opposition to thinkers seeking to analyze objectively observable social dynamics . Butthis substantive and theoretical compatibility exists precisely because Weber was willing to sacrificehis methodological strictures when the analysis required it . His commitment was to understanding basicsocial dynamics, such as the development of rationality as the basis of social action in modern Westernsociety and not in other times or places . Therefore, when his method failed him, he implicitly adoptedanother . Some of his most significant work for later generations of scholars, the study of bureaucracyand of class and status, will provide the material for an examination of his own adaptations to thelimitations of the distributional methodology implied by the social action approach . This critical examination,in turn, will lead to suggestions about the appropriate uses of each strategy of analysis .Probability and Aggregation :From the ideal-typical actor to organized social lifeWeber's emphasis on the subjective meaning of social action uniquely defines the character of his*This essay was originally printed as Research Paper No . 63 of the Centre for Urban and CommunityStudies, The University of Toronto, July, 1974 . It reflects my understandings at that time .

- 73 -analysis and differentiates him from other classical thinkers . 3 By itself, this methodological principlerestricts the object of analysis to the individual, as the only entity which can think or act . Theverstehen approach presupposes that organized social life derives from the cumulated social actions ofindividuals . While the larger consequences may not be predicted or even understood by the set of socialactors, their individual actions must be subjectively meaningful and thus subject to the interpretiveunderstanding of the analyst . In this way, as Wrong (1970 : 22) puts it, the concept of verstehen, is thelink between Weber's methodological reflections on the social sciences and his general sociological concepts .But it is precisely these larger social consequences of cumulated social actions which are of interestto sociology . The central methodological problem, then, is how to derive the organizational outcomesof a set of individual social actions in a consistent way . Weber argues for two related strategies . First,in order to isolate subjective meanings which are important analytically, the analyst must adopt a nominaliststance ; he chooses a point of view from which to select and order relevant observations and constructsideal-typical social actions from the probabilities that actors will attach a given meaning to a givenbehavior . Second, and more problematically, he attempts to find a way to aggregate these social actions insuch a way that he can explain organization . In analyzing Weber's methodological arguments, I will focuson : (1) the element of probabilistic reasoning in his concepts of "verstehen" and "ideal-type" and (2) thederivation of different organizational units out of typical social actions .Verstehen, Weber's fundamental methodological concept, is probably best translated as "interpretativeunderstanding" (Freund, 1968 : 93) . In contrast to historical explanation, a truly sociological approachattempts to interpret the meaning of mass4 or aggregated, social actions (Weber, 1968 : 4-9) . For Weber,the interpretation of mass phenomena of this kind requires an abstraction from complex ideas and motivationsof those elements which are interpreted as central from the point of view the analyst chooses to adopt .The resulting "analytical construct" is an "ideal type" ; i .e ., the typical meaning which the analyst usesto define a set of actors (Weber, 1949 : 90) .The epistemology which underlies Weber's concept of the ideal type posits an infinite number of"facts", which are ordered by analytic constructs . This nominalism implies only a relative correspondencebetween any given construct and historical reality . For this reason, understanding that seeks to go beyondthe typical individual, even to the simplest relationships, must be verified in terms of probabilities(Freund, 1969 : 50) .Weber consistently defines his relational concepts in this way . Thus, the "probability that therewill be a meaningful course of social action" is the basis of his definition of "social relationship"(Weber, 1968 : 27) . Similarly, characteristics of larger social "orders" derive from probabilities ofindividual actions . Thus, the "validity" of an "order" is the probability that action will be governedby "the belief in the existence of a legitimate order", and specific relations of power, command, andobedience depend on the probabilities of types of reciprocal action (Weber, 1968 : 31) .Given the construction of ideal typical social action through a determination of the probabilityof its occurrence, Weber's task is to derive its organizational consequences and to characterize theseas ideal types . His aggregate strategy, however, is general, not specific to social actors . Thus, whenhe speaks of "arranging . . .concrete individual phenomena" (1949 : 90), he is referring not only to individualsocial actors . but to "individual" organizational units, and to whole societies as well . He is generalizinghis units of aggregation, thus making the requirements of his verstehen approach problematic .The use of the term "individual" which fits most consistently with his concept of verstehen is thatof the ideal-typical historical actor . However, Weber also uses other examples in discussing the idealtype : the "city economy", and "capitalist culture", (1949 : 91) . While the term "indivudal" is used, byboth Weber and his English translators, in each case, the term in fact implies different units of analysis ."Individual historical occurrences" (e .g ., modern capitalism), "individual concepts" (e .g ., Calvinisttheology), and individual "constituent elements of social occurrences" (e .g ., types of domination) (Parsons,1949 : 604-505 ; Abel, 1969 : 155), are not equivalent to "individuals" as real historical people, howevertypified . Thus, although these different analytic units involve no methodological inconsistency per se,it is only the last which can be analyzed through "interpretive understanding" . Weber insisted thatonly people, actual or typical, engage in action based on subjective meaning .Problems of Aggregation :Integration of Levels of AnalysisHere it becomes possible to distinguish three levels of analysis, which may be called individual,institutional, and societal . Weber is not interested in the individual per se, either as a concretehistorical person, or as a typical actor . Rather he is interested in determining how probabilistic socialactions result in social organization :(a) The analytical movement from typical individuals to institutional structures is based on the logicalconsequences of "specific action-patterns of separate individuals" (Abel, 1969 : 121) . An exampleof this is his general treatment of domination, specifically bureaucracy based on legal-rationalaction .(b) The relationship between institutional structures and organization at the societal level is analyzed

- 74 -through assigning probabilities to each of the possible logical combinations of institutional structures,and then establishing the existence of empirical correlations . Thus, collegial bodies andthe market, as well as bureaucracy tend to occur with legal-rational social action .(c) The aggregation of individuals into inclusive sets of categories of the whole society is based uponthe distribution of individuals with respect to one or a series of cross-cutting variables . This isexemplified in Weber's treatment of "class" and "status" .Weber is most successful methodologically when constructing intermediate structures from one idealtypical social action . Thus, inhis studies of religion, he attempts to demonstrate that the aggregateconsequences of individual social action would be the same whether this action were typified by the analyston the basis of material or ideal interests . As Bendix puts it :One corollary of this starting point was Weber's tendency to treat all concepts ofcollectivities or larger social aggregates as convenient labels for tendencies ofaction . . . . This conceptualization was also a method of analysis, in that Weber wouldinquire into the ideas and affinities associated with the apparently most singlemindedpursuit of gain, and into the economic interests associated with theapparently most otherworldly pursuit of religious salvation . Even then, theapproach was limited to social relationships based on a "coalescence of interests",arising from actions that were construed as a reasoning, emotional, or conventionalpursuit of "ideal and material interests" (1962 : 476-477) .Therefore, "tendencies of action" are the basis for the establishment of correlations among meaning systems ;as, in this case, between "the spirit of capitalism" and "the Protestant ethic ."In contrast, Weber consciously evades the difficulties of constructing organizational forms characteristicof whole societies through the aggregation of individual social actions . The common collective formwithin which the individual pursuit of gain in capitalist society takes place in the market . In its modernhighly developed stage, its central characteristic is the anonymity of the relations within it . Weberdescribes the market in terms reminiscent of the Durkheimian idea of "constraint" :Formally, the market community does not recognize direct coercion on the basis of personalauthority . It produces in its stead a special kind of coercive situation which, as ageneral principle, applies without any discrimination to workers, enterprises, producers,and consumers, viz ., in the impersonal form of the inevitability of adaptation to thepurely economic "laws" of the market . . . The private enterprise system transforms intoobjects of "labor market transactions" even those personal and authoritarian-hierarchicalrelations which actually exist in the capitalistic enterprise. While the authoritarianrelationships are thus drained of all normal sentimental content, authoritarian constraintnot only continues but, at least under certain circumstances, even increases . (1968 : 731)Weber's task here is to derive this anonymous structure from "instrumentally rational social action" . Itis by no means clear that such an involved derivation is possible ; therefore, Weber focuses instead onthe derivation of types of intermediate "organizational structures", based on their "specific way(s) ofdistributing the powers of command" . (1968 : 953) .This point must be emphasized because of Weber's own explicit recognition of the limitations of hismethodology in analyzing large-scale social structure . If society is pictured through aggregation, thenstructures within society are pictured through distributions of variables . In this case, "power" ("theprobability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own willdespite resistance") is an individual attribute whose distribution will reveal the distribution of positionsfrom which differential amounts of coercion can be exercised . Since "power" is a quantitatively distributedattribute of individuals resisted by other individuals, Weber recognizes the difficulty in derivingimpersonal systems of constraint of the market type . He sidesteps the problem by focusing instead on intermediatestructures of direct command, which are by definition personal and immediate :In the following discussion we shall use the term domination exclusively in thatnarrower sense which excludes from its scope those situations in which power hasits source in a formally free interplay of interested parties such as occurs especiallyin the market . In other words, in our terminology domination shall beidentical with authoritarian power of command (1968 : 496) . (Weber's emphasis) .Legal-Rational Social Action, Bureaucracy, and Capitalism : From Individual to Institution to Society .Given this self-imposed limitation of Weber's methodology in the case of power and domination, let usexamine the ideal type of one of his institutions of domination : bureaucracy . Consistent with his methodologicalrules, Weber asserts that "the legitimacy of a system of domination may be treated sociologicallyonly as the probability that to a relevant degree the appropriate attitudes will exist, and the correspondingpractical conduct ensue" (1968 : 214) . It is upon this probability that "a certain minimum of theassured power to issue commands" rests (1968 : 215) .In the case of legal-rational social action, the structure of domination rests on the probablecollective acceptance by a set of actors of specific "ideas" . These are obedience to legal norms, eachof which is part of a body of law which consists of a "consistent system of abstract rules which have

- 75 -normally been intentionally established" ; obedience to a person in authority, who is subject to the sameimpersonal order as the person who obeys authority ; and the restriction of actions of command and obedienceto "the sphere of the rationally delimited jurisdiction" (Weber, 1968 : 217-218) . In sum, the "meaning" oflegal-rational social action is belief in the validity of a particular set of procedures for both the makingand the administration of rules and policy . Given such a shared belief, it is logically consistent but notnecessary that the ideal-typical structure of bureaucracy should emerge . In fact, Weber sees several differentstructures as depending on legal-rational action, bureaucracy being the one which is "most unambiguouslya structure of domination" (1968 : 219) .5Weber reaches the high point of his methodological consistency in the construction of such intermediatelevels of organization from types of social action . This consistency primarily rests upon the logicallyderived and formally described structures which correspond to types of social action . There is no cleardirection of cause here, but an assertion of expected correlation between legal-rational action and bureaucracy,comparable to the correlation between religious and economic action mentioned above . Thus, "collegialbodies," just as bureaucracies, rest on legal-rational action . So, for that matter, does the market .What, then, is the relationship among these structures? It seems fair to say that Weber intends tocharacterize whole societies in terms of the types of social action in which their members engage . This isevident in the example of legal-rational social action, at least to the extent that the formal analysis ofbureaucratic structure implies the existence of control from the top, and a clinetele at the bottom . Givena perfectly hierarchical flow of commands, the method of recruitment to the top of the structure becomescrucial theoretically (1968 : 987) . Further, even given legal-rational action throughout a society, notsimply in a single bureaucracy, there are numerous alternative rational procedures for determing the personat the top of the hierarchy . In addition, bureaucracy, as opposed to other forms of organized legal-rationalaction, assumes a clinetele ; i .e ., something is administered for, or to, other actors . These actors, aswell as the officials in the bureaucracy, must at least passively accept the legitimacy of legal-rationaldomination .Weber sees the ideal-typical bureaucracy as a central institution of modern society . It is "fullydeveloped in political and ecclesiastical communities only in the modern state, and in the private economyonly in the most advanced institutions of capitalism" (1968 : 956) . More generally, "bureaucracy is themeans of transforming social action into rationally organized action" (1968 : 987) . Bureaucracy is relatedto the formation of collegial bodies, especially in the legal profession and parliament, which are alsobased on legal-rational action . Bureaucratization, as the most rational example of modern social action,is ralated to the leveling of social differences in the interests of technical efficiency and universaladministration . Finally, all of this is related to the emergence of modern capitalism (1968 : 296) .Thus, legal-rational social action results in several different, but related, ideal-typical forms :the market, bureaucracy, and collegial bodies . These forms, in turn, are composed of various factors, someor all of which have appeared independently or in various combinations in other historical circumstancesFurthermore, legal-rational social action is only one of at least three ideal-typical social actions . Any ofthese can occur in principle in different combinations ; for example, feudalism is based simultaneously on bothtraditional domination (personal fealty) and legal-rational domination (free contract) (Weber, 1968 : 255-256) .Weber (1949 : 72-73) makes this combination of factors an explicit methodological statement :The type of social science in which we are interested is an empirical science of concretereality . Our aim is the understanding of the characteristic uniqueness of the reality inwhich we move . We wish to understand on the one hand the relationships and the culturalsignificance of individual events in their contemporary manifestations and on the otherthe causes of their being historically so and not otherwise . . . [It] concerns itself withthe question of the individual consequences which the working of these laws (universallyvalid causal relationships) in a unique configuration produces, since it is theseindividual configurations which are significant for us .These "configurations" are derived from an examination of all combinations of all "objective possibilities",which in turn are intermediate levels of organization based on types of social action . Weber (1949 :181-182) asserts that "the judgment of 'objective' possibility admits graduations of degree and one canform an idea of the logical relationship which is involved by looking for help in principles which areapplied in the analysis of the 'calculus of probability"' He develops this logic of analysis still furtheras a model . Just as the bias of a loaded die is established through frequent repetition, comparable, ifless reliable, methods can be used in social science :[W]e can . . . very well render generally valid judgments which assert that as a resultof certain situations, the occurrence of a type of reaction, identical in certainrespects, on the part of those persons who confront these situations, is "favored"to a more or less high degree . . . And we can . . . estimate the degree to which acertain effect is "favored" by certain "conditions" --- although we cannot do it in away which will be perfectly unambiguous or even in accordance with the precedures ofthe calculus of probability . We can, however, well enough estimate the relative"degree" to which the outcome is "favored" by the general rule by a comparison

- 76 -involving the consideration of how other conditions operating differently "would" have"favored" it . When we carry through this comparison in our imagination by sufficientlynumerous conceivable modifications of the constellations of conditions, then a considerabledegree of certainty for a judgment of the degree of objective possibility is conceivable,at least in principle (Weber, 1949 : 183) .Weber's logic of inquiry has significant implications . First, as Parsons notes, a given phenomenonis, for Weber, "capable of description only in terms of a specific combination of the values of analyticalelements (ideal types) . . . (which) introduces an element of rididity that may issue in a methodologicalatomism . . . (and) a 'mosaic' theory of history" (Parsons 1949 : 621) . In other words, history becomesa "process of shuffling of ideal types as units" . However, Parsons' proposed solution is furtheratomization, i .e ., "generalized theory which breaks down the particular element combinations in the idealtypes (Parsons 1949 : 626) . While Parsons correctly asserts that such a breakdown adds "flexibility", the"mosaic" problem is compounded by the use of finer units and cross-cutting variables . I shall examine thislater in Weber's analysis of class and status, where Weber does what Parsons argues for .The difficulty with the "mosaic" is the absence of relational and developmental concepts . First, whilea limited number of structures are consistent with a single type of social action, and may be found to coexisthistorically, the relations among them cannot be determined through social action concepts . Thelatter give no basis, for instance, for interpreting relations among bureaucratic, market, and collegialstructures . Second, while Weber is consistently (though certainly not exclusively) seeking to trace"developmental stages" through differential combinations of "types", each of which is a differences of"degree" (1968 : XXXI), as a methodological principle all possible combinations may occur at any given timefor any given society . While Weber hopes that such stages, especially in the emergence of rational actionas the dominant type, will emerge empirically, they may or may not be "discovered" as an historical sequence .Furthermore, even if such stages emerge from analysis, the actual processes of change (rather than theidentification of which elements changed) are difficult to incorporate in a methodologically consistentway . Thus one of Weber's most impressive analyses of the processes of change, that of charismatic socialaction and the routinization of charisma, departs from this methodology in favor of a more formal approach .Weber's model of social change consists of a single series of formal stages through which any type ofsociety must go in order to change into another type, independent of the specific combination of otherideal types of action or structure defining the society historically .The Confusion of Distribution and Structure : Class and StatusThe implications of Weber's strategy of aggregation become clear in his studies of stratification .His analysis of class and status is an important example of the conception of the structure of societyas distributions of individually-attributed and cross-cutting variables . Here also, in his contrastbetween status as a property of groups and class as a shared individual characteristic, the relationshipbetween intermediate organization and the depiction of society as a whole can be examined .First, Weber asserts that "classes" and "status groups" (as well as "parties") are "phenomena of thedistribution of power within a community" . "Power" is defined here as "the chance of a man or number ofmen to realize their own will in a social action even against the resistance of others who are participatingin the action" (1968 : 926-927) . Class for Weber is also an individual attribute . A particular "class" isa set of individuals defined by the operator of "class situation" . In Weber's terms, "'class' means allpersons in the same class situation" ; and "class situation" is defined as a potentially shared attribute ofindividuals, i .e ., "the typical probability of 1) procuring goods, 2) gaining a position in life, and 3)finding inner satisfactions" (1968 : 927) ."'Class situation' and 'class' refer only to the same (or similar) interests which an individual shareswith others" (1968 : 302), and classes "represent possible, and frequent, bases for social action" (1968 :927) . At the same time, classes "emerge only on the basis of social action . . . among members of differentclasses" (i .e ., "the labor market", "the commodities market", and "the capitalistic enterprise") (1968 :930) . What Weber seems to be saying here is that the distributions of economic chances of individualssimultaneously results from the social action upon which markets are based, and serves as the basis forthat same social action . This is neither inconsistent, nor tautological, but indicates that Weber isseeking to establish correlations between types of social action based on interest, and types of distributionsof interest .The picture of society that emerges has two important characteristics : First, all actors in societyare distributed according to a series of cross-cutting variables ; and second, each of these distributionsserves as the basis for the division of all social actors into mutually exclusive categories . The populationmay be distributed according to the value of property ("property classes"), the marketability of commoditiesand/or skills ("commercial classes"), or degree of potential mobility ("social classes"), or any combinationof these classes simultaneously . Thus, any given individual social actor is analytically divided into aseries of variables, any of which may give meaning to his social action . Each of these distributions thenserves as a basis for the creation of sets or categories ; for example, "commercial classes" are categorizedinto various types of entrepreneurs, professionals, skilled and unskilled workers . Furthermore, thesevariables cross-cut each other ; for example, Weber describes certain "commercial classes" as being "middle

- 77 -classes" which are "in between" "positively and negatively privileged property classes" (1986 : 303-304) .Thus far, these categories of "class situation" appear to be purely nominalist . This interpretationis supported by Weber's (1968 : 928-29) assertion that in order to avoid ambiguity, "class interest"("interest" being the operator defining "class") is understood to be "the factual direction of interestsfollowing with a certain probability from the class situation for a certain average of those people subjectedto the class situation ." These interests are shared individual properties which may result ineither "mas behavior" or "amorphous social action ." It seems clear that the creation, choice, andcombination of categories would be the sole basis for the construction of ideal-typical interests amongvarious sectors of the population .However, stratification, for Weber, takes - on an implicitly independent reality in his discussion ofthe formation of intermediate organizations, or associations, for the purpose of organized social actionon the basis of class interest . His discussion of this is remarkably similar to Marx's theory of classstructure and consciousness, in which an analysis of the objective structure provides a vantage point fromwhich to study the adequacy of meaning (approximation to a correct understanding) for the actor :[H]owever different life chances may be, this fact in itself, according to all experience,by no means gives birth to "class action" . . . For that, the real conditions and the resultsof the class situation must be distinctly recognizable . For only then the contrast of lifechances can be felt not as an absolutely given fact to be accepted, but as a resultant fromeither (1) the given distribution of property or (2) the structure of the concrete economicorder (Weber, 1968 : 929) .The reasons for Weber's shift here seems to lie in his own recognition of the limitations of simpleaggregation in determining structure at the societal level . If individuals in a particular society areindeed differentiable through a potentially infinite series of combinations of cross-cutting variables,it is difficult to posit stable sets of categories without being extremely arbitrary . He never actuallyconfronts this problem in his substantive studies, however, because he never attempts to use thisaggregative methodology to analyze an entire society . He does use it, however, to contrast two basicallydifferent types of stratification which may characterize ideal-typical societies : "class society" or "statussociety" (1968 : 306, 937) . In order to do this, he employs the concept of status and "status group" whichmay be interpreted both as an additional variable and as an intermediate level of structure .Weber defines "status" as "an effective claim to social esteem in terms of positive or negative privileges; it is typically founded on (a) style of life, hence (b) formal education . . . or . . . (c) hereditaryor occupational prestige" (1968 : 305-306) . Thus, status as much as class is an individual attribute . Webergoes on to say, however, that "in practice, status expresses itself through (a) connubium, (b) commensality,possibly (c) monopolistic appropriation of privileged modes of acquisition or the abhorrence of certainkinds of acquisition, (d) status conventions (traditions) of other kinds" (1968 : 306) . These are relational,or group, rather than individual characteristics .Weber is contrasting types of societies here in terms of the appropriateness, however, determined, ofclassifying individuals as individuals, or as actors organized into intermediate structures . The definitionof class situation as "ultimately market situation" (1968 : 928) contrasts with the definition of statusgroups as at least to some extent self-defining (1968 : 306) . This contrast is sometimes evolutionary, themarket ("commercial classes") being based on instrumentally rational social action, and status groupsbeing based on traditional social action (1968 : 306) . At other times, there is a more explicit notion ofprocess : Since status groups involve consumption at a level to maintain a specifically defined style oflife, given a "relatively stable" (1968 : 938) distribution of goods, property classes may "create" statusgroups (1968 : 307) .In his analysis of class and status, Weber confronts the difficulty of analyzing process in distributionalterms . Weber attempts to resolve the difficulty of analyzing societies as combined distribution ofindividual characteristics through constructing intermediate levels of structure --- class associationsand status groups . In order to do this, he abandons his explicit methodology in describing the processesof group formation . Specifically, since he recognizes that similar social action does not imply organization,he posits, albeit implicitly, the existence of large-scale social organization which does not derivefrom social action, but which provides an "objective" framework within which subjective meanings develop .Conclusions :Notes onaStructural ApproachWeber's great historical studies rest on the assumption that collective entities, or structures, existin their own right . His social action methodology, however, has led to the logically consistent conclusionthat "to see them (collective entities) as possessing a supra-individual reality of their own is to reifythem", and consequently that "a society is essentially a set of broadly warranted predictions made by itsmembers about one another's behavior . In this sense, it exists only in people's minds," even if it resultsfrom observable interaction (Wrong, 1970 : 22, 25) . While this interpretation is extreme, the major thrustof Weber's methodology asserts that social structures which exist in their own right can be derived fromthe cumulation of social actions . Therefore, the study of social structure cannot be limited to the causes

- 78 -of behavior, but must analyze, according to Weberian methods, the ways in which this cumulation of socialactions occurs, and its consequences in social structure . Indirectly, Weber's intellectual descendantsinclude those who build their conceptions of social structure on the distributions of individual characteristicsamong populations . Consequently, it is crucial to examine the limitations of his logic of analysis .This is not an argument against the use of probabilistic reasoning or aggregative or distributionalstrategies . Instead, it is an attempt to clarify what such approaches are actually measuring and analyzing .Any regularly occurring event can be measured, and probabilities assigned to its occurrence under specifiedconditions . Similarly, any attribute shared by a population in different degrees, such as income, can bedescribed in terms of its distribution in that population . Having done this in a particular study, the nextquestion is why do these distributions occur? The answer is usually sought in the measured distributionsof other variables, and causation if formulated in the language of independent and dependent variables . Thus,income and education vary together ; depending on the framework of the analyst, education leads to higherpaying jobs, or high income increases access to education, or both . This model assumes one of two things :either the distribution of one variable will change with a change in the distribution of the other, thuschanging the social structure ; or, more compellingly, there exists an unexamined social structure whichsomehow rewards people differentially (as measured in income distribution), and we can predict where anygiven individual will fall on this distribution if we know certain facts about him or her, such as yearsof education .Distributions, then, measure selected consequences of structural dynamics as these consequences differentiallyaffect individuals . As such, they are useful indicators of questions to be asked in analyzingsocial structure directly, but are neither descriptions nor analyses of the structure itself . Thus, theanswer to the question posed in the title of this paper is that distributions are not really structures,but are reflections of social structure .The distinction between the measurement of the differential individual consequences of social structureand the analysis of structure itself, can be clarified by returning to the earlier example of mobility studies .Assuming that at any given moment there is a fixed number of jobs, each of which has attached to it a fixedset of rewards, and that only one person can fill a job at a time, there are two fundamentally differentquestions which can inform research into occupational mobility . The first, or distributional approach askswhat characteristics of individuals best predict individual mobility between occupational categories .(Blau and Duncan, 1967) . That is, it assumes a social structure which is reflected in a given set ofoccupational roles, which can themselves be categorized in terms of their individual characteristics, suchas type of activity (e .g ., white collar) and reward . It can thus determine the probability of any givencareer line in the aggregate, by discovering what proportion of the population in category 1 moves tocategory 2 (similarly with inter-generational mobility) . It can further determine the distributions ofcharacteristics of individuals, such as education and father's occupation, as well as the combinations ofthese, which predict the occurrence of a given career line .The second, or structural, approach examines the actual career lines existing in a concrete structureof jobs . While the aggregation of jobs represented by occupational categories allows for the measurementof the amount of mobility in a population, and for the identification, in general, of the kinds of peoplewho are mobile, it points to the need for an analysis of the actual organization of jobs, the patterns inwhich job openings occur, and the mechanisms of recruitment into them . Assuming that at least some of thepeople recruited into a given job thereby leave another, thus creating another opening into which yetanother individual is recruited, and so on, in a continuous but finite process, it becomes possible toanalyze the actual structural dynamics which underlie the aggregative measurements of the first approach,as White (1970) so elegantly demonstrates . Similarly, Howard (1974) compares the two strategies in hisanalysis of the incorporation of rural migrants into the occupational structure of an Indian city . Hefinds that networks of kinship, friendship, and neighbourhood are more powerful predictors of successfuljob search than are individual characteristics usually associated with "modernity" . Change in both casescan be examined directly as patterns over time of openings and recruitment within structures of positions .As I have attempted to demonstrate in this paper, Weber constructed a methodology for social analysisbased on probabilities and distributions . While he did not confront the limitations of this approachdirectly, as I am seeking to do here, neither did he allow his analysis of social organization to sufferthese limitations . He proceeded as far as he could with his methods, and then went beyond them to analyzesocial structure directly . He in fact, in his best work, used his aggregative and distributional findingsto direct him to important structural concerns .Weber's direct descents, especially in the field of formal organization, have inherited some of thebest products of his substantive analysis . The formal structure of bureaucracy is one of the best examplesof objectively defined and observable patterns of relationships . The value of the legacy, however, increaseswith an understanding of its source and limitations . Its source, as I have argued, lies in a modest departurefrom Weber's self-imposed methodological requirements, in the sense that it is consistent with, butnot derived from legal-rational social action . Its limitations, therefore, consist not in the problems ofaggregative or distributional logic, as do the limitations of his analysis of stratification, but in thestatic nature of the formal structure, a problem Weber inadequately addressed through the concept of

- 79 -charisma . As a consequence, the predominant explanation of change in the field has had to rely on dynamicsseparate from the formal organization itself -- either "outside", in a vaguely defined "external situation",(Parsons, 1962), or "inside", in a relatively less structured "informal organization" (Blau, 1963) . Bothtake on meaning only as contrast conceptions to "formal organization" . They are nonetheless the focus forstudies of dynamics within stable bureaucracies (Blau, 1963), or are seen as the source of changes in theformal structure itself (Blau and Meyer, 1971 : 138-146) .Weber's methodology does not provide the basis for resolution of the problems involved in developingmodels which simultaneously analyze structure and change . These are beginning to develop in the field oforganizations (e .g ., Crozier, 1965) . It is hoped that a critical use of Weber's substantive work inconjunction with creative structural approaches will be the basis for new directions . For instance, itshould be possible to reinterpret the empirical findings and theoretical insights in the field so thatthey form an integral base for further analysis . Instead of three related problems --- formal bureaucraticstructure, informal organization, and the relations of organizations to the larger society --- a structuralapproach would define a consistent over-all theoretical perspective for posing research questions . Importanttypes of relations among roles should be treated simultaneously over time, and the patterns of relationshipswhich emerge should define the theoretical unit as the formal organization, within which and outsideof which different, if related, sets of events occur . Thus, ties across the boundaries of formal organizationsas currently conceived could be treated simultaneously with intra-organizational ties, "formal" and"informal" . Such an approach would broaden the range of important questions within the field, and providea theoretical framework for integrating and building on the findings of each of these areas . Furthermore,this approach should return to Weber's emphasis on historical analysis .6 It is through tracing changingtypes and patterns of relationships over long periods of time that sociologists gain insight into importantstructural dynamics .?Two conclusions emerge from this analysis of Weberian methodology . First, those areas of sociologicalinquiry which rely on Weber's verstehen approach and the aggregative, distributional logic which he soclearly laid out, should be re-evaluated in the light of its methodological and theoretical implications .Thus, the utility of empirical studies which assume that distributions of variables measured on individualunits are synonymous with social structure increases with a clear theoretical understanding of what theyare and are not measuring, and of what conclusions about social organization can be drawn from them .Similarly, the common conceptual origins of supposedly "objective" empiricism and areas such as phenomenology,which emphasize the interpretive methodology fundamental to Weber's approach, point to new interpretationsof these fields . Weber's subjective methodology does not imply subjective results (Zeitlin, 1968 : 117) .Neither, I have argued, does empirical measurement of individual attributes imply objective results .Fundamentally, whatever their differences, both can be contrasted to a structural approach .Second, sociologists seeking to develop a structural method of analyzing social organization shouldbuild on those aspects of Weber's work in which he departs from his explicit methodology . Certain of hisideal types, such as bureaucracy, are formal models which provide one basis for this development . But toanalyze structural dynamics, we will need more closely and explicitly to integrate theoretical and empiricalwork . It will no longer suffice to develop new concepts, such as "informal organization", to account forempirically observed discrepancies from the ideal type . Instead, we can build on what is best in the workof the classical theorists by explicitly adopting and developing structural stragegies of analysis, whichanalyze changing patterns of relations among individuals, organizations, groups, classes, and nations . Totake the concept of social structure seriously, we must take as our analytic units the actual ties amongindividuals or organizations . The patterns of these ties over time is social structure .Footnotes1 . This use of the term structuralism is different from and more limited than its uses by, for instance,the schools following Talcott Parsons and Claude Levi-Strauss . Both of these schools are seeking universalsocial laws, the former through the functional integration of differentiated subsystems defined a priori,and the latter through the human mental processes underlying social organization . It is closer to Etzioni'sdescription of structuralism (1964 : 41-49) .2 . Primarily through the work of Alfred Schutz (Wagner, ed ., 1970 : 5-11) . Compare also Weber's discussionof motives in Economy and Society (1968 : 8-13) with C . Wright Mills' "Situated Action and the Vocabularyof Motives" (1963) .3 . Weber developed his methodological approach in dialogue with other classical sociologists . Weber sawthe utility of functional analysis for "provisional orientation", but attempted to avert the dangers of"reification" inherent in organic analogies . (Weber 1968 : 15) . While accepting the formalist distinctionbetween "form" and "content", Weber was primarily concerned with the "content" or "meaning" of socialaction . (Weber 1968 : 86) . This focus is the reverse of Simmel's, who advocated the exclusive investigationof "forms of sociation" . (1971 : 124-125) . Weber recognized the utility of Marxian "laws and developmentalconstructs" if used as ideal types (Weber 1949 : 103), but his focus on "subjectively meaningful socialaction" did not allow him to confront directly the problem of "objective reality" . For instance, Weber'sdefinition of "an economy" rests upon the subjective views of actors (1968 : 63) . In contrast, Marx

- 80 -emphasized the "circumstances directly encountered, given, and transmitted from the past" in terms ofwhich people act . (1968 ; 15) . Marxian theory, roughly, interprets idea systems which guide action asmore or less close approxima tions to a "true" understanding of social organization -- based either on acorrect perception of class interest ("consciousness"), or on a "rational" but obfuscating descriptionof society ("ideology") . There is no comparable vantage point in Weberian theory fromwhich to judgethe adequacy of meaning for the actor . In principle, "reality" is understood only through the subjectivemeanings of actions .4 . Weber's use of the term "mass" actions here is reminiscent of current concepts such as "collectivebehaviour", in contrast to his-more organizational concepts . This is clearly antithetical to the majorthrust of Weber's work, and his use of such language in his methodological discussions is indicative ofthe problems of attempting to construct social organization through cumulative social actions . LeslieHoward suggested this point .5 . Thus Weber sees bureaucracy as a structure in its own right, and does not, as Wrong (1970 : 23),argues, "identify bureaucracy as a form of social organization with the bureaucrat as a human type" .6 . Aron (1970 : 86-89), discusses the problems of Weber's approach to causality in history . It is nothis specific methodology of comparative historical analysis referred to here, but his general theoreticaland substantive interest in historical explanation .7 . Abner Cohen (1969), in his study of the political and economic leverage in Nigerian society gainedthrough changing Hausa ethnic organization, provides an exciting example of the potentials of such anapproach . See, especially, his theoretical arguments in his introductory and concluding chapters .References :Abel, Theodore, 1969 . Systematic Sociology in Germany . New York : Octagon Books .Aron, Raymond, 1970 . "The Logic of the Social Sciences", in Dennis Wrong (ed .), Max Weber . Englewood Cliffs :Prentice-Hall .Blau, Peter M ., 1963 . The Dynamics of Bureaucracy . Chicago : The University Press .and O .D . Duncan, 1967 . The American Occupational Structure . New York : Wiley .. and Marshall W . Meyer, 1971 . Bureaucracy and Modern Society . New York : Random House .Cohen, Abner, 1969, Custom and Politics in Urban Africa . Berkeley : University of California Press .Crozier, Michel . 1965 . The Bureaucratic Phenomenon . London : Tavistock Publications .Etzioni, Amitai, 1964 . Modern Organizations . Englewood Cliffs, N .J . : Prentice-Hall .Freund, Julian, 1968 . The Sociology of Max Weber . New York : Random House .Howard, Leslie L . 1974, "Industrialization and Community in Chotanagpur", unpublished doctoral dissertation,Cambridge, Harvard University .Levi-Strauss, Claude, 1967 . Structural Anthropology . Garden City, N .Y . : Doubleday & Company, Inc .Marx, Karl, 1963, The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte . New York : International Publishers .Mills, C . Wright, 1963 . Power, Politics, and People . I .L . Horowitz, (ed .) . New York : Ballantine Books .Parsons, Talcott, 1962 . "Sociological Aspects to the Theory of Organization", in Amitai Etzioni, ComplexOrganizations . New York : Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, pp . 32-47 .. 1949 . The Structure of Social Action . Glencoe : The Free Press .Simmel, Georg, 1971 . "The Problem of Sociology", in Donald N . Levine (ed .) George Simmel on Individualityand Social Forms . Chicago : University of Chicago Press .Wagner, Helmut R ., ed ., 1970 . Alfred Schutz on Phenomenology and Social Relations . Chicago : University ofChicago Press .Weber, Max, 1968 . Economy and Society (Wirtschaft and Gesellschaft), An Outline of Interpretive Sociology .Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich (eds .) . New York Bedminster Press .. 1949 . The Methodology of the Social Sciences . Edward A . Shils and Henry A . Finch (eds .) . Glencoe :Free Press .White, Harrison C . 1970 . Chains of Opportunity . Cambridge, Mass ." Harvard University Press .Wrong, Dennis, ed . 1970 . Max Weber . Englewood Cliffs, N .J . : Prentice-Hall, Inc .Zeitlin, Irving M ., 1968 . Ideology and the Development of Sociological Theory . Englewood Cliffs, N .J . :Prentice-Hall, Inc .

- 81 -URBAN SOCIOLOGY IN BRITAIN AND THE STUDY OF SOCIAL NETWORKSChristopher G . Pickvance (U . of Kent at Canterbury)The third biennial Centre for Environmental Studies conference entitled 'Urban Change and Conflict' washeld at Nottingham University in January 1979 . It provided an opportunity to assess trends in British urbansociology in the last five years .In brief, it can be said that during this period a new paradigm has become accepted in the field .The first conference, at York in 1975, had the implicit function of introducing a Marxist perspective,current at that time mainly in French, German and Italian writing, to British urban sociology . The atmospherewas one of confrontation . Ray Pahl, the senior urban sociologist present and promoter of the "urbanmanagerialist" perspective (see Whose City) acted as 'lightning conductor' for the criticism unleashedagainst the 'old guard' . This perspective had focussed attention on the actions of local authority officials(e .g . town planners, housing managers) and private sector actors (e .g . building society managers, landlords)as determinants of people's life chances . It was criticized as cutting short the chain of explanation prematurely,by failing to ask about the forces constraining local authorities, and the private sector - i .e .of failing to relate 'urban' phenomena to the functioning of British capitalism and the role of the statewithin it . This criticism was ambiguous : some critics implied that 'urban managers' or 'gatekeepers' shouldnot be objects of study within a radicalized urban sociology, whereas others saw no reason why they shouldn'tprovided the wider forces within which they acted were brought into the analysis .At the 1975 conference the debate about the new perspective probably seemed cliquish to many participants .This was probably inevitable given the fact that access to the statements of the new perspective was restrictedto those who could read them in the original or to members of various networks through which Englishtranslations passed . The publication in 1976 of my collection Urban Sociology :Critical Essays and in 1977of Harloe's collection Captive Cities and Castells's The Urban Question put an end to this phase . (The Proceedingsof the two Conferences on Urban Change and Conflict, which include both papers and discussion,are also very well worth reading .)The result was that by the time of the 1977 conference, and a fortiori by January 1979, the questionsat issue in the debate were generally understood and it appeared that the new perspective had won the day .In fact, at the 1979 conference there was a disturbing complacency about the proceedings as though peoplefelt that theoretical debates (Marx v . Weber) were a thing of the past and that the point was to get onwith the work of 'normal science' .However this account needs to be amplified . First, no intellectual debate proceeds independent of itssocial surroundings . The crisis phase of capitalism and its reflection in Britain in the selective cuttingof government social expenditures revealed the fragility of a welfare state that people had previously beenable to view as an untouchable part of the modern state . The revelation of the dependence of the welfarestate on the state of the economy and of government responses to preserve the conditions of capitalaccumulation at all costs, greatly facilitated acceptance of a perspective which placed capital accumulationand the role of the state at its centre . At the same time, the widespread rise in social protest providedfertile ground for a perspective which emphasised class struggle in the broadest sense .Second, it is not the case that the British intellectual scene was a tabula rasa on which this newperspective was inscribed . One of the most interesting developments has in fact been what can be calledthe "British response" to the "French School" - though such labels inevitably turn the issue into a replayof the Battle of Hastings . While it is true that British Marxist urban sociology was absent as an importantcurrent, Marxist-inspired writing in the fields of history and general sociology was not . The resultis that there has been a widespread rejection of 'structuralist' elements of French writers such as Castellsand Poulantzas, deriving from Althusser . (n .b . These elements were not to be found in the writings ofLojkine, Preteceille and other 'urban' proponents of the 'state monopoly capitalism' thesis - against which,however, other criticisms developed .)Given the ubiquity of the term 'structure' and its necessity - in my view - to any social scienceanalysis, it should be made clear that the objection was to the abstract level at which the structures werelocated and to the absence of analysis of the processes by which they operated and changed . It was theclassic criticism directed against static analysis in economics, and some versions of functionalism insociology, that the way in which major change came about and the role of political forces in bringing itabout had become excluded . Either the underlying 'structures' had a formal and timeless character andreality was ignored or seen as a mechanical 'playing out' of the structural contradictions they containedor else arbitrary connexions were made between current events and structural contradictions . And asRanciere (1974) argued such arbitrary relations led to political impotence and a retreat to the ivory tower .This critique of "structuralist" Marxism and its disdain for analysing political process was made bothin France and Britain . In each country it had specific origins . In France the rise in strength of the

- 82 -Socialist-Communist alliance, prior to its eventual collapse in 1978, placed an emphasis on concrete policyproposals - and even led to a fetishistic emphasis on 'concrete analysis', as though theory was a thingof the past . In Britain where, unlike France, a labour party has regularly been elected to power andwhere the empiricism of thought is a commonplace, the critique of structuralist Marxism was based on itsfailure to address questions of class formation and the role of left parties in power .Thus, the 1974-79 period has seen the emergence in British urban sociology of a new perspective, helpedalong by the evolution of the things-to-be-explained, and subjected to a vigorous debate within theperspective . Just as in France where a new journal, Espaces et Societes, was launched (in 1970) on thecrest of the new wave there, so in Britain seven years later the International Journal of Urban andRegional Researchl gave institutional expression to the new perspective .What are the implications of this for the study of social networks?One response would be to say that social networks are a thing of the past, necessarily linked to anoutworn functionalist theoretical perspective . The absence of any reference to social networks at theNottingham conference might seem to support this view .In my opinion however such a response is quite -misleading . Social networks are an aspect of reality 2and can be viewed within a variety of perspectives, their theoretical significance changing according tothe perspective .If this suggestion is correct the question is, what is the significance of social networks from theperspective of Marxist urban sociology .The first answer is that since they refer to inter-personal relations they cannot be given explanatorypriority for the types of thing-to-be-explained that are usual in Marxist studies . For example, if we aretalking about class formation the primary factor is common class position : inter-personal relations canonly be an effect not a cause of class formation .Second, the term inter-personal relations blurs the issue of the social location of the "persons"concerned . It creates equality between 'persons' in the same way that citizenship or universal suffragedoes . The key question is whether the inter-personal relations extend across class lines or remain withina single class . This brings us to the "hidden agenda" of network analysis, that implicitly networks referto persons of similar equal status, or to spheres of life which are non-hierarchical (e .g . kinship orfriendship, rather than work) . Such implicit definitions limit the applicability of the concept .Apart from these general conceptual points, two more substantive points can be made .First, from the Marxist perspective social networks of particular kinds will be of most interest, forexample networks linking politicians and businessmen will be important (but not essential - given the 'nondecision'debate) evidence regarding the process by which capitalist interests are reflected in state policy .Similarly the process by which a political organization recruits its members, and subsequently retainstheir commitment can be partly analysed by examining the networks involved . However in neither case isit likely that studying social networks will provide more than one element in a final explanation . Forexample it may be hypothesized that capitalist-politician network links are only activated, and so becomecausally important, when there is a threat to the institutionally built-in tendency for state policy toserve capitalist interests . This latter tendency is as, if not more, important than the network links .Second, from a Marxist perspective social networks of a given kind will be interpreted in a differentway . Three examples may be given . (a) The widely-reported wariness about forming relationships amongresidents on a new estate whose move has involved a large financial sacrifice can be directly related totheir economic position rather than to some alleged 'impersonal' quality of house or estate design. (b)Social networks in so far as they are elements of particular life styles, act as symbolic markers ofdifferent 'levels' of consumption which bear some relation to positions in the workplace . (c) The'objective needs' to which social network formation is a response e .g . living a long distance from relativesand so having to find a babysitter on an exchange or payment basis, may be directly related to the differentlabour mobility patterns imposed on middle and working class workers (see Bell 1968) .I would not want to 'reduce' the formation of social networks to some set of imperatives unique tocapitalist societies, nor reduce the consumption sphere to the production sphere, but it would seem worthwhileto approach the explanation of networks from this perspective as well as others .To sum up, I have argued that the new perspective which has come to prevail in British urban sociologydoes not negate the study of social networks but rather offers a new explanatory perspective in which theywill have a secondary but real place .

- 83 -Footnotes1 . Michael Harloe (Centre for Environmental Studies, London, editor . Available from Journals SubscriptionsDepartment, Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd ., Woodlands Park Avenue, Woodlands Park, Maidenhead, Berks,ENGLAND .2 . I do not subscribe to the view that they are purely mental constructs . While it is true that theyrefer to an abstract concept, i .e . social networks do not walk around, it is equally true that they areabstractions from an objective reality, i .e . President Carter is not part of the primary zone of my network .ReferencesBell, Colin 1968 : Middle Class Families . London : Routledge and Kegan Paul .Castells, Manuel 1977 : The Urban Question . London : Arnold ; and Cambridge, Mass : MIT Press .Harloe, Michael (ed .) 1977 : Captive Cities . London and New York : Wiley .Pahl, Ray E . 1975 : Whose City . Harmondsworth : Penguin .Pickvance, Christopher C . (ed .) 1976 : Urban Sociology : Critical Essays . London : Tavistock, and New York :St . Martins Press .Proceedings of the Conference on Urban Change and Conflict 1975 and 1977 (2 vols .) . London : Centre forEnvironmental Studies .Ranciere, J . 1974 : La leion d'Althusser . Paris : Gallimard .COMMENTON PICXVANCEBarry WeZZman (Sociology, U . Toronto)I also was at the 1975 and 1979 conferences, and I agree with the general thrust of Chris Pickvance'sdescription . These conferences have been most important in moving British urban studies away from aggregative,psychologistic, interest-less analyses . More recently, with the shift in editorial emphasis of ComparativeUrban Research and the foundation of the International Journal of Urban and Regional Research . , North Americanscholarship has started moving in the same direction .Pickvance's comments, though, reflect a prevalent English misconception of current network analyticapproaches . I repeatedly heard in England that network analysis was inherently limited to studying e ualstatusrelations between individual persons ; hence it was not useful for macrostructural, conflict anddependency approaches . This is a gratuitously unnecessary restriction of network analysis which ignores thepast decade of network analyses studying (a) asymmetrical relations of power and dependency and (b) linksbetween larger units (corporations, blocks, interest groups, network clusters, etc .) .My comments are not only a request for attention to be paid to these approaches but also to note thatthe avoidance of a network-informed approach has done the macrostructuralists-Marxian, Marxish, or not--alot of harm . It has caused too many otherwise promising macrostructural accounts to end up either as onlyideological polemics or, at best, plausible accounts backed up by selected anecdotal examples . While theseare often morally and aesthetically satisfying, they cannot be intellectually compelling .Continued from page 7Z .Pfeffer, Jeffrey and Gerald R . Salancik, 1978 . The External Control of Organizations : A Resource DependencePerspective . New York : Harper and Row .Simmel, Georg, 1908, Soaiologie, Untersuchungen ueber die Formen der Vergesellschaftung . Leipzig : Dunckerand Humblot .Terreberry, Shirley, 1968 . "The Evolution of Organizational Environments ." Administrative Science Quarterly12 :590-613 .Turk, Herman, 1961 . "Instrumental Values and the Popularity of Instrumental Leaders ." Social Forces39 :252-360 .Turk, Herman, 1977 . Organizations in Modern Life : Cities and Other Large Networks . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .Turk, Herman and Mitsuyo Hanada, 1978 . "The Role of Typology in Macrosocial Theory : The Case of Metropolisand Nation ." Paper presented at the Ninth World Congress of Sociology, Uppsala, Sweden .Turk, Theresa G . and Herman Turk, 1962 . "Group Interaction in a Formal Setting : The Case of the Triad ."Sociometry 25 :48-55 .Warren, Roland L ., Stephen M . Rose, and Ann F . Bergunder, 1974 . The Structure of Urban Reform : CommunityDecision Organizations in Stability and Change . Lexington, Mass : D .C . Heath .

- 84 -RESEARCH ON INTERLOCKING DIRECTORATES : AN INTRODUCTION AND A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICAN SOURCESMichael Soref (Sociology, U . of Wisconsin-Madison)ABSTRACT . This bibliography of recent work on corporate interlocking is prefaced by a modesttechnical-conceptual framework . The framework characterizes four types of studies . Thestudies differ on these characteristics : purpose, conceptualization of interlocking, choiceof key agent, unit of observation, and data analysis technique .This bibliography consists of recent studies (and a few not-so-recent studies) which examinepatterns of interlocking or which use interlocking directorate data, plus some related backgroundmaterial . I do not claim comprehensiveness for this bibliography--it consists merely of the relevantreferences accumulated in the course of my dissertation research on the internal differentiation ofthe American capitalist class . This list probably will supply few new leads for experienced researchers,but it might save some work for those beginning to study corporate interlocks . Before listing thesereferences, I will suggest a conceptual framework which might help beginners get a handle on the typesof research on interlocking directorates .Interlocking directorate data have the advantage of being almost the only kind of accessibledata which can be compiled on the "higher circles ." Companies disclose their board membership in theirannual reports, and such information is available in standard business reference sources . However, suchinformation is difficult to interpret . This framework might help make sense of the variety of interpretationsof interlock data . This framework is neither theoretical nor substantive ; it is merely a set ofcategories elucidating interpretations of interlock data in the literature . As any typology, my frameworkprobably ignores some types of work and distorts some of the works which it attempts to comprehend .At any rate, studies of interlocking directorates seem to fall into four categories . Descriptive studiesreport the extent and types of interlocking without relating the findings to theory . Organizationalstudies, coming from the "rational systems" approach, have seen interlocking as a means by which theorganization coopts necessary elements of its environment . Interest group studies have used graphtheoretical techniques on interlocking data to determine patterns of interlocking . Differentiationstudies use interlock data as an index of the position of groups within the capitalist class . Thepurposes of the four types of studies affect the following characteristics of the types of studies : theconceptualization of interlocking, the "key agent" (the phenomenon of greatest interest for the study),the unit of observation, and sometimes the data analysis technique .Descriptive studies : Most of the government reports listed here (U .S . House Anti-Trust Subcommittee1965 ; U .S . FTC 1951 ; U .S . Senate Governmental Operations Committee 1978) can be characterizedas descriptive (although they may contain much theoretically interesting information) . These studies'purpose is to ascertain the extent of anti-competitive interlocking . Section 8 of the Clayton Actprohibits interlocking between competing firms . Although the law has not been actively enforced, it hasprobably had some deterrent effect (Bunting and Barber 1971) . The 1951 FTC staff study and the 1965replication by the staff of the Antitrust Subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee (along with therecent Metcalfe Committee report) attempted to ascertain the extent which competition was suppressed byinterlocking directorates . A direct interlock between competitors is not the only kind of potentiallyanti-competitive interlock studied ; the studies also try to discover other types of interlocking whichmight lead to collusion, such as interlocks between customers and suppliers . In these studies, interlockingis . conceptualized as a means of collusion among companies . The key agent and the unit of observationfor these studies is the corporation . These studies map or tabulate interlocks signifying varioustypes of potential collusion . The studies also note the concentration of economic power through interlockingdirectorates, although that concern is not unique to this type of study (e .g ., Dye 1976 ; Warnerand Unwalla 1967) . 1Organizational studies : The organizational studies of interlocking attempt to find the extent thatcorporations (or other organizations) use boards "as if they were instruments with which to deal with theenvironment" (Pfeffer 1972, p . 219) . Following Thompson's "rational systems" approach (1967), thesestudies see corporations as organizations whose basic problem is uncertainty in the environment . In thisview, organizations attempt to develop strategies for reducing uncertainty in needed resources, andcooptation is one of the strategies . Interlocking, that is, taking directors in from other corporations(or sending officers out to hold seats on the boards of other corporations) is seen as a type of cooptation .According to Thompson (1967), an organization will tend to rely on cooptation rather than other strategieswhen it depends on another organization for resources, but cannot absorb the resource-providing organization.The organization is the key agent in these studies . A corporation is merely one of a variety oforganizational forms . Interlocks are conceptualized as a means for a corporate organization to extractresources from the environment . Some of these studies disaggregate interlocking, typing interlockingaccording to the types of resources which they help secure . A few of the studies attempt to find thecircumstances under which the various types of interlocks occur . These studies are valuable because they

- 85 -help make sense of interlocking through disaggregation, and because they attempt to operationalizethe categories (see especially Allen 1974) . They attempt to understand the conditions which lead tothe several types of interlocking . Size, type of organization, need for a given resource, are examplesof independent variables employed in these studies . Most of the independent variables used are standardones in the organizational literature .A third type of literature attempts to discover interest groupings in the economy by analyzinginterlock connections among major corporations . These studies take some universe of companies andenumerate the interlocks among the companies . These researches claim a common ancestry in Sweezy'sreport on interest groups for the National Resources Committee (1939) . Interlocks in these studiesare conceptualized as sociometric links within a network of corporations, somewhat like friendshipchoices in a neighborhood . The network is the key agent in these studies . The observation unit is theinterlock . Researchers analyze their data on interlocks in their universes of corporations using graphtheoretical techniques (Sonquist and Koenig 1975 ; McLaughlin 1975 ; Levine 1972) or factor analysis (Allen1978), or manipulations of measures of centrality (Bonacich 1972 ; Bearden, et al . 1975 ; Mariolis 1977) .These studies attempt to find whether the networks delineated fit models of the structure of the corporateeconomy . However, the statistical techniques used in these studies do not lend themselves to hypothesistestingas straightforwardly as do standard techniques such as regression analysis . That might be whyit is sometimes difficult for readers to discern the connection between the theoretical introductions ofthese works and their analysis of data .Differentiation studies : A fourth approach uses interlocking directorate data for empirical studyof the internal differentiation of the capitalist class (or "corporate elite") . Historical studies andtheoretical discussions have occasionally singled out groups which are claimed to be "core groups," thecutting edge of the class in political and economic matters . 2 "Differentiation" studies consider interlockingdirectorate data as convenient material for developing indices for empirical confirmation of theeconomic and political power of these core groups in the class (Zeitlin, et al . 1974b ; Johnson 1976 ; Soref1976, forthcoming ; Useem 1978 ; Allen forthcoming) . These studies are not concerned with the corporation,nor even very much with interlocking . If they include a conceptualization of interlocking, it is usuallyas a means of collusion, but the conceptualization is usually incidental to the studies' principal concern .The key agent of these studies is the subgroup (the "inner group," the "upper class," the "financecapitalists,"etc .) of the class . Directors are the observation units . Data analysis involves aggregationof the positionholding of directors, so that the positionholding of subgroups are compared .Other references : Some of the citations in this bibliography are included because they supplyuseful background material for the researcher . They provide background on boards of directors, sources,and on some of the approaches outlined above . The works in this last category have been cited in thediscussion of the four types of approaches to interlocking directorate data . Mace (1971), Zald (1969),and Gordon (1945, pp . 116-47) describe boards of directors . There are many other books on boards ofdirectors not included . NACLA (1970) and Community Press Features (1974) list sources of information onboards of directors and related topics .Finally, a few caveats/apologies are in order . This bibliography is ethnocentric . Only two citationsdeal with interlocking outside the U .S . (Clement 1975 ; Zeitlin, et al . 1974) . Law journalsoccasionally publish essays on interlocking directorates, but I have neglected that literature . Thisbibliography probably missed much of the work which has been presented or published in 1978 .Footnotes :1 . See also Black and Goff (1969), Finger, et al . (1974) and Chevalier (1970, p . 172) for interestingmappings depicting patterns of potentially collusive interlocks .2 . See, for example, Weinstein (1968) ; Zeitlin (1974) ; Sweezy (1970a) . For reviews and theoreticaldiscussions, see Zeitlin, et al . (1976, pp . 1006-1010) ; Zeitlin (1974, esp . pp . 1097-1106) ; Poulantzas(1975, pp . 91-188) ; Useem (1978, pp . 225-28) . For other material on finance capital and bank control,see Hilferding (1970) ; Fitch and Oppenheim (1970) . See Sweezy (1970b ; pp . 258-69) for an exposition ofHilferding .ReferencesAllen, Michael . 1974 . "The Structure of Interorganizational Elite Cooptation : Interlocking CorporateDirectorates ." American Sociological Review 39 (June) : 393-406 .. 1978 "Economic Interest Groups and the Corporate Elite Structure ." Social Science Quarterly 58(March) : 597-615 .. forthcoming . "Continuity and Change Within the Core Corporate Elite ." Sociological Quarterly .Bearden, James, William Atwood, Peter Freitag, Carol Hendricks, Beth Mintz and Michael Schwartz . 1975 ."The Nature and Extent of Bank Centrality in Corporate Networks ." Paper presented at the annualmeeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco, August .Bonacich, Phillip . 1972 . "Technique for Analyzing Overlapping Memberships ." Pp . 176-85 in Herbert Costner(ed .), SociologicalMethodology . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .Bunting, David, and J . Barbour . 1971 . "Interlocking Directors in Large American Corporations, 1896-1964 ."Business History Review 45 (Autumn) : 317-35 .

- 87 -SOCIAL NETWORKS AND PSYCHOLOGYDavid M . Todd (U . of Massachusetts - Amhurst)For this first round-up I will attempt to broadly characterize the use of the social network conceptin psychology . Delineating this topic is, quite appropriately, difficult . The areas of social networkresearch in which psychologists are involved are thoroughly interdisciplinary . Moreover, some work doneby psychologists does not involve variables that are particularly psychological in nature, and some workwhich does have a distinct psychological focus (e .g . avowed happiness, cf . Brim, 1974) is not done bypsychologists . I will simply celebrate this condition, and not worry too much about the boundaries!Based on my own knowledge of the discipline and the stated interests of psychologists who belong toINSNA, I believe the greatest psychological use of the social network concept is in the study of socialsupport, mental health (or more broadly, psychosocial adaptation), and the development of both professionaland "natural" support systems . (This may be an egocentric view ; it is the work in which I ampersonally involved) . Much of this literature is included in the excellent bibliography by WilliamRatcliffe in the Summer, 1978, issue of Connections . This work includes theory and research on socialnetwork correlates of social support and psychosocial adaptation (e .g . Brennan, 1977 ; Hirsch, 1977 ;Tolsdorf, 1976 ; Walker, MacBride and Vachon, 1977), a topic which is receiving much attention in a varietyof disciplines . Among the most recent contributions is a major study of help-seeking published asa special issue of the American Journal of Community Psychology (Lieberman and Glidewell, 1978) . Thisstudy includes psychological measures of adaptation and the effectiveness of support (Lieberman andMullan, 1978) and explores the interaction of psychological and social structural (including network)factors in relation to help-seeking (Brown, 1978) . I stress this because such measures and interactionshave not been widely studied (Kahn, 1975) ; I believe they are essential for the adequate study of socialpsychological processes (Gottlieb and Todd, in press) ; and they represent a level of analysis to whichpsychologists should make a significant contribution .A closely related area of work which psychologists share with other human service professions isnetwork intervention . This includes direct network therapy (Attneave, 1969 ; Speck and Attneave, 1973),as well as more limited forms of remedial intervention with networks (Curtis, 1974), support during transitionalcrises (Gelinas, 1975 ; Walker et al ., 1977), and attempts to strengthen "natural" supportnetworks as a preventative measure (Gottlieb and Todd, in press) . In addition to therapeutic and preventivework with personal networks, there also seems to be considerable interest in human service andresource networks (Curtis, 1973 ; Sarason et al ., 1977) and the relationship between professional andnaturally occuring support systems (Gottlieb, 1975) . Much of the literature on these topics is includedin the Ratcliffe bibliography ; Diane Pancoast's round-up of social work literature in Vol .1, No . 2 ; andthe course outline by David Trimble in Vol . 2, No . 1 . In my view the support network intervention literature,nrepresent an important infusion of structural thinking into professional work, and there is awelcome development of techniques and applications . I am less clear that this work is contributing toour formal knowledge about the structure and dynamics of social networks, and their interaction with psychologicalprocesses . The potential for such action/research seems excellent . A very notable example isreported by Walker, MacBride and Vachon (1977) .I am less familiar with work in other areas of psychology . For the past decade or more, I believethat the use of social structural concepts in psychology has been pretty well limited to organizationalpsychology and the new field of community psychology . It is in this latter field that the social networkconcept seems to have taken firmest hold . However, there have recently been strong arguments for psychologiststo incorporate collective and social structural concepts into their research in such areas associal (Steiner, 1974) and developmental (Bronfenbrenner, 1977) psychology . It is my impression thatpsychologists in these areas are increasingly using the social network concept to address issues ofsocial structure and to broaden their scope from more limited contexts bf family (Berger and Wuescher,1975), formal organization, small group, and dyad . I do not know to what extent earlier structural inquiriesin psychology, such as sociometrics and communication networks in small groups, are beingenlivened and extended within social network conceptualization . "Small world problem" research isclearly one such effort in which psychologists are working (e .g . Travers and Milgram, 1969 ; Killworthand Bernard, 1978) . I invite others who are familiar with these areas to address this question .Up to this point I have focused, implicitly at least, on the impact of network structure on psychologicaland social psychological phenomena . I would also like to draw attention to the impact ofindividuals on social networks, I believe it is most productive to think of individual-network relationshipsas interactive, even dialectical, social processes in which persons affect the social structureswhich in turn shape their lives . This suggests a need for longitudinal studies which examine processesof developing, changing or leaving personal networks . I believe some work of this sort is going on(for example, by Richard Leavy at St . Mary's College), and I hope that more will be .

- 88 -I have been illustrative rather than exhaustive in this round-up and I am sure I have neglected manyimportant contributions . Again, I welcome information and comments from others, either directly toConnections, or to me to be included in future statements .Attneave, C . L . 1969 . "Therapy in tribal settings and urban network intervention ." Family Process,192-210 .Berger, M . and Wuescher, L . 1975 . "The Family in the Substantive Environment : An Approach to the Developmentof Transactional Methodology ." Journal of Community Psychology 3 : 246-253 .Brennan, G . T . 1977 . "Work/life segmentation and human service professional : A social network approach ."Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst .Brim, J . A . 1974 . "Social Network Correlates of Avowed Happiness ." Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease158 : 432-439 .Bronfenbrenner, U . 1977 . "Toward an Experimental Ecology of Human Development ." American Psychologist 32 :513-531 .Brown, B . B . 1978 . "Social and Psychological Correlates of Help-Seeking Behavior Among Urban Adults ."American Journal of Community Psychology 6 : 425439 .Curtis, W . R . 1973 . "Community Human Service Networks : New Roles for Mental Health Workers ." PsychiatricAnnals 3(7) .Curtis, W . R . 1974 . "Team Problem-Solving in a Social Network ." Psychiatric Annals 4 : 11-27 .Gelinas, D . 1975 . "Support Development Issues During Life Transitions : Bereavement of Young Adults ."Paper presented at a meeting of the American Psychological Association, Chicago, Illinois .Gottlieb, B . H . 1975 . "Lay Influences on the Utilization and Provision of Health Services : A Review ."Canadian Psychological Review 177 126-136 .Gottlieb, B . H . and Todd, D . M . in press . "Social Support in Natural Settings ." In : Munoz, R ., Snowdon,L . and Kelly, J . (Eds .) . Research in Social Context : Bringing About Change . San Francisco : Jossey-BassHirsch, B . J . 1977 . "Social Network as a Natural Support System ." Paper presented at a meeting of theAmerican Psychological Association, San Francisco .Kahn, R . L . 1975 . "Discussion of a Symposium on Support and Coping : Concepts, Research and Applicationsfor Community Psychology," American Psychological Association, Chicago, Illinois .Killworth, P . and Bernard, H . 1978 . "The Reverse Small-World Experiment ." Social Networks 1 : 159-192 .Lieberman, M .A . and Glidewell, J . C . (Eds .) 1978 . "Special Issue on the Helping Process ." AmericanJournal of Community Psychology 6 : whole issue .Lieberman, M . A . and Mullan, J . T . 1978 . "Does Help Help? The Adaptive Consequences of Obtaining Helpfrom Professionals and Social Networks ." American Journal of Community Psychology 6 : 499-517 .Sarason, S . B ., Carroll, C . F ., Maton, K ., Cohen, S . and Lorentz, E . 1977 . Human Services and ResourceNetworks . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .Speck, R . V . and Attneave, C . L . 1973 . Family Networks . New York : Vintage Books .Steiner, I . D . 1974 . "Whatever Happened to the Group in Social Psychology ." Journal of ExperimentalSocial Psychology 10 : 94-108 .Toldsdorf, C . C . 1976 . "Social Networks, Support, and Coping : An Exploratory Study ." Family Process 15 :407-417 .Travers, J . and Milgram, S . 1969 . "An Experimental Study of the Small World Problem ." Sociometry 32 :425-443 .Walker, K . N ., MacBride : A ., and Vachon, M . L . 1977 . "Social Support Networks and the Crisis of Bereavement,"Social Science and Medicine l17 35"41 .

- 89 -EXPECTATIONS IN A SOCIAL NETWORK: THE SMALL WORLD OF BOCHNER, BUKER, AND MCLEOD REVISITEDLinton C . Freeman 1 (Social Relations, Lehigh U .)ABSTRACT . Some of the data from a "small world" study by Rochner, Buker and McLeod(1976) are reanalyzed to illustrate one of the difficulties in the statisticaltreatment of such social networks data . A conclusion reported in the originalarticle is found to be incorrect and a new result is recorded .The purpose of this note is to explore one of the special problems in the statistical analysisdata generated in the study of social networks : the calculation of expected frequencies . This willdone in the context of a reexamination of the data from Table 4 of a recent study by Bochner, BukerMcLeod (1976) hereafter referred to as BB&M .TheBB&MStudyThe article by BB&M provides an excellent illustration of one of the special problems of statisticalanalysis of social network data . It describes an inherently interesting problem and includes an imaginativedesign for the collection of d ata . B B &M were concerned with the problem of evaluating the effectivenessof an international educational and living center in fostering friendships among people from vastlydifferent backgrounds . Do experiences in such a center, they asked, generate warm and intimate connectionsbetween the people involved?BB&M designed a variation of Milgram's (1967) small world experiment in which they had persons in asample of students in an international living center each pass a packet to another whom they consideredto be a friend . Persons chosen this way were requested to continue passing the packet . Thus, the datagenerated were a set of 18 chains, varying in length from 0 to 15 steps, each representing the history ofthe passage of a packet . Various kinds of personal attribute data on each subject were also recorded .The problem, as defined by BB&M, was to assess the impact of individual attributes--like nationality,sex, program of instruction in the center and location of residence--on choice of friends . Thus, theirindependent variables were attributes of persons and their dependent variable was the dyadic relation offriendship choice . Their research goal was to determine the degree to which any friendship choice isbiased by the characteristics of the chooser and his or her potential targets . They were not concernedwith choice biases determined by the structure of the relations between points established earlier in thechain . 2BB&M define a transaction as "the handing on of a booklet by one person to another ." In reportingtheir data BB&M have decomposed the chains into their pairwise components (thereby eliminating thepossibility of studying sequential effects) . They concentrate instead on studying biases in the generationof from-to pairs .BB&M reported a significant tendency for persons to pass messages to targets of the same nationality,gender and program of study . Their analysis of data on housing propinquity, however, led them to theconclusion that proximity effects were small .Reanalysis of the Propinquity DataTABLE 1PROPINQUITY DATAofbeandDistance between roomsof initiator and receiverNumber oftransactionsRoommate 7Same Unit 20Same Floor 18Same Building 35Different Building 6(Source : BB&M, Table 4)Table 1 shows the "propinquity data" as reported in BB&M's Table 4, BB&M in referring to this tablereported that, "The model transaction occurred between two persons who occupied the same building butlived on different floors, indicating that physical proximity played only a minor role in determining thepattern of responses ." They went on to argue that, "the absence of a strong proximity effect," in contrastto the findings of other studies, was fortunate because it left the main determinants of response patternsunmarred "by internal inconsistency ."

- 9 0 -The only trouble with that conclusion is that it is w rong . B B &M made no attempt to calculate expectationsof the several kinds of transactions . Instead, they apparently relied on their intuitions to tellthem that the "model transaction" was indicative of something less than a "strong" proximity effect .From information given in the paper we can determine the approximate likelihood of roommates, unitmates and so on being chosen . There are, it is reported, two dormitories . Each is divided into rooms,units and floors . In each case, a unit contains three double and four single rooms and houses ten persons .One dormitory has four units or 40 students per floor and contains three floors . Thus it houses 120 persons .The other, larger, dormitory has six units (60 persons) per floor and has eight floors that house 480persons . Together, then, these buildings house 600 students .Since we were given no information on occupancy, we must assume full occupancy (or random vacancies)to calculate expected friendship choices under the assumption of random selection by residence . We assume,then, 600 occupants . Collectively, they could generate (600 (599) = 359400 choices .Now in any unit there are three double rooms, so there could be (3) (2) = 6 directed lines linkingroommates . In the smaller dorm there are 12 units that together could produce (12) (6) = 72roommate-. roommate choices . In the larger dorm there are 48 units that could generate (48) (6) = 288such roommate choices . Together the two dorms could generate 72 + 288 = 360 possible roommate choices .So, all roommate - roommate choices constitute the proportion, 360 = .001 of all the possibleselections of friends in this center . 359400Exactly the same sort of reasoning has been used to determine the expected proportions of randomchoices for each of the other classes . They are shown in Table 2 . And it turns out that roommates, unitmates and floor mates are all overrepresented, while people on other floors and those in the other dormitoryare underrepresented .DistanceTable 2PROPINQUITY DATAProportionsObserved Expected Difference ZPoissonProb .Roommate .081 .001 .080 - %-0Same Unit .232 .014 .218 - tc 0Same Floor .209 .076 .133 4 .65Same Building .407 .588 - .181 3 .41Different Building .070 .320 - .250 4 .97The significance of the differences between observed and expected proportions in Table 2 has beencalculated using the normal approximation to the binomial . This is appropriate for the larger expectations(Same Floor, Same Building and Different Building) but is probably not adequate for the extremely smallexpectations generated in the categories of Same Room and Same Unit . As a further check, therefore, thePoisson probabilities were calculated for those two categories . The Poisson approximation to the binomialdistribution may be used whereever n is reasonably large (86 here) and the probability of an event isextremely small ( .001 and .014 respectively here) . In any case the Poisson probabilities indicate thatboth of these differences are significant at any level of significance one might care to specify . Withn = 86 and an expected proportion of .001 any frequency greater than 4 will occur with a probabilityapproaching zero quite closely . (The probability of observing exactly 7 roommate choices under theseconditions, for example, is estimated by the Poisson approximately to be .00000000000633 !)These differences are so large that they suggest that the propinquity effect overshadows all theother results . These students exhibit an overwhelming tendency to select as friends those who are housedclose to them and to avoid those who are distant .One is left wondering how rooms are assigned in the center . May individuals choose rooms and/or roommates?Are rooms assigned by national origin? By program of study? Obviously, they are assigned bygender, but it isn't clear whether housing segregation by gender inhibits the formation of heterosexualfriendships or if such segregation is simply one manifestation of a stable and general tendency to avoiddeveloping strong cross-gender ties . 3 We would have to know a good deal more about this center to beginto answer these questions directly .SummaryandConclusionsIn summary, reanalysis of the BB&M data on residential propinquity showed it has a profoundly significantimpact on passing messages . Friends are not chosen, as BB&M suggested, without reference to theirphysical proximity . Instead, physical proximity seems to be the overriding factor in friendship choice

among these students . Whether this is due to biases in room assignments or to the effects of propinquityin breaking down interpersonal distance is unknown and unknowable without further data .The basic problem in the BB&M analysis stems from their reliance on an intuitive judgment aboutexpectations in the study of social networks . Safety, it would seem, requires that actual expectationsbe calculated before conclusions can be drawn .Footnotes :1 . The author wishes to express his gratitude to Peter Killworth for his detailed and helpful review ofan earlier draft of this paper .2 . A chooser, for example, would be unlikely to return a packet to the person who chose him or heralthough such a symmetrical choice is not prohibited by the rules of the experiment .3 . Since we know something about room assignments by gender, it is possible to compute expected malemaleand female-female choices, given the observed tendency to choose friends according to residentialpropinquity . Under this propinquity assumption, Peter Killworth has computed the expected proportion offemale-female choices to be .823 and male-male choices to be .848 . In both cases the observed proportionis .86. Their standard errors are .058 and .054 respectively, yielding normal deviates of .64 and .18 .Neither is significant, which suggests that the observed tendency for same gender choices may be seen asa simple function of housing propinquity .References :Bochner, S ., E .A . Buker and B .M . McLeod . 1976 "Communication Patterns in an International StudentDormitory : A Modification of the 'Small World' Method ." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 6 : 275-290 .Continued froi page 86 .Sweezy, Paul M . 1939 . "Interest Groupings in the American Economy ." Appendix 13 of US Department of theInterior, National Resources Committee, The Structure of the American Economy, Part I . Washington :US Government Printing Office (reprinted in Paul M . Sweezy, ed ., The Present as History . New York :Monthly Review) .. (1951) 1970a . "The American Ruling Class ." Pp . 356-371 in American Society, Inc . edited byMaurice Zeitlin . Chicago :- Markham .. (1942) 1970b . The Theory of Capitalist Development . New York : Monthly Review .Thompson, James . 1967 . Organizations in Action . New York : McGraw-Hill .United States, Federal Trade Commission . 1951 . Report of the Federal Trade Commission on InterlockingDirectorates . Washington : US Government Printing Office .United States, House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary . 1965 . Interlocks in CorporateManagement . Washington : US Government Printing Office .United States Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs . 1978 . Interlocking Directorates Among theMajor US Corporations . Washington : US Government Printing Office .Useem, Michael . 1978 . "The Inner Group of the American Capitalist Class ." Social Problems 25 (February) :225-40 .Warner, Lloyd, and Darab Unwalla . 1967 . "The System of Interlocking Directorates " Pp . 121-157 in Warner,Unwalla, and John Trimm, The Emergent American Society, Vol . 1 : Large Scale Organizations . New Haven,Conn . : Yale .Weinstein, James . 1971 . The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State . Boston : Beacon .Zald, Meyer . 1969 . "The Power and Function of Boards of Directors : a Theoretical Synthesis ." AmericanJournal of Sociology 75 (July) : 97-111 .Zeitlin, Maurice . 1974 . "Corporate Ownership and Control : the Large Corporation and the Capitalist Class ."American Journal of Sociology 79(March) : 1073-1119 .Zeitlin, Maurice, Richard Ratcliff, and Lynda Ewen . 1974 . "The 'Inner Group' : Interlocking Directorates andthe Internal Differentiation of the Capitalist Class in Chile ." Paper presented at the annual meetingsof the American Sociological Association, Montreal, August .Zeitlin, Maurice, W . Lawrence Neuman, and Richard Ratcliff . 1976 . "Class Segments : Agrarian Property andPolitical Leadership in the Capitalist Class of Chile ." American Sociological Review 41(December) :1006-1029 .

- 9 2 -RESEARCH REPORTSDATA OF MICRO NETWORK STRUCTURES, 1979Walter Bien (Dept. of Psychology, Aachen)The aim of this data collection was to produce information about social network structures in realsmall groups .First, we assume that one knows something about the development of the structure if one wishes to describeit . Second we assume that the basic of the actual behavior of the group memebers is not an objectivestructure . For example the communication frequency rate has little relationship to structure . We considera much more interesting and productive task is to investigate the subjective perception or formation of groupstructure which the people have in their minds - like a cognitive map . This data collection should provideinformation to answer these questions .For a period of seven days we investigated two groups with ten persons each (university students) ina hotel in complete isolation . The students received some money for their cooperation in the investigationand additionally had the opportunity to work for a certificate . Each respondent was asked to give about4000 judgments of his cognitive social structure . This produced about 40,000 units of information fromeach of the groups . These information sets give answers to questions about different kinds of problems ofsocial structure . Some of the problems are the following :Development of the structureThe group members met on the first afternoon, and we assume that there are stable structures by thethird evening, so that this time interval is the period of structural development . Additionally we hadinformation on how long the persons knew each other . (One group had strong differentiated structure before,while the other one had no structure before starting the investigation .) We also noted where the respondentswere sitting on the bus going to the research situation . In the first evening, and on the second morningand evening every person had to rate each of the (19) = 45 relations between every two persons in his groupon a rating scale, and they were asked for their preferences regarding all the persons in his group . (Onthe third day, midday, we repeated the procedure to prove the reliability of the data .)Employing relevant criteriaThree criteria will prove for causal relations of social structure : (i) A situational criterionnication" ; (ii) an emotional criterion "Sympathy" ; (iii) a cognitive criterion "Share of Success" ."Commu-We described these criteria with five verbal statements : "extra ordinary" ; "very" ; "some what" ; "neither. . .nor . . ." ; "not at all" for every person like : The communication with Monika is very good . In this waywe received : 19 (persons) x 3 (criteria) x 5 (statements) = 285 . Every subject was asked to pick thatsentence out of five (name and criteria are constant) which was the most correct description of his (orher) relation to that person . The chosen card was put aside and the type of relation written down . Thisprocedure was repeated for all 20 x 3 = 60 combinations in random sequence . Now the remaining four cardswere to be judged for all 3 x 19 combinations and the chosen card put aside . This pick up procedure wasrepeated until there was only one card left for all 3 x 19 combinations . Every person had to do this procedurethree times .Multitrait- Multimethod StudyOn the fourth day we collected data with four different methods from each person . The methods are :1) symmetric unconditional rating of the 45 bipersonal relations ; 2) ten asymmetric conditional orderingsof nine bipersonal relations ; 3) symq~etric unconditional ordering of the 45 bipersonal relations ; 4) pickone of the two relations about all ( ~) = 990 pair of bipersonal relations for two criteria "sympathy" and"Communication"RelevanceOn the fifth day we asked every person how relevant the three criteria "sympathy", "communication", and"Share of success" 1) for describing social structures are ; 2) for describing the preferences for everymember of his group are ; 3) for describing every bipersonal relation in his group are .

- 93 -Causalcriteriaof social(preference)structureOn the sixth day we asked every person to tell us how his preference structures are . These structureswere described by three indicators for each of the three criteria groups . Situational - communication ;goodness, frequency, continuance . Emotional - sympathy, understanding, anxiety . Cognitive - share ofsuccess, helping behavior concerning working problems, helping behavior concerning personal problems .And two indicators for the general subjective preference structure - how close do you feel towards . . .?,how much time will you spend for . . .?Availability of these dataThis data pool of about 2 x 40,000 information units will be coded in a form that is available to thosewho wish to work with it . We would be glad if some scientists were interested in getting these data to showthe usefulness of network methods for such kinds of problems and such kinds of data . Therefore we want togive these data to a "data service station" like the Zentralinstitut fur empirische Sozialforschung in Cologne(Germany) which exchanged information with other institutions in Europe and the U .S .A . More information (adetailed description of the data set is now prepared in German only) is available from our group (see also"Analysis of Social Networks" Connections I # 2 :15-17) .REPORT ON RURAL EDUCATIONAL RADIO PROJECT IN EASTERN NICARAGUABonnie Brownlee and Gary Garriot .1 . Context/BackgroundThe Regional Educational Radio (RER) Project in eastern Nicaragua intends to reach the rural populationwithin a 100 mile radius of Puerto Cabezas ("Port"), a coastal city in the northeast corner of Zelayaprovince . While recent reliable population data are non-existent, approximately 50,000 people live in thisregion bordering the Atlantic Ocean . The majority form an indigenous group, the Miskito, who are said todescend from a west coast population displaced from the Pacific lowlands prior to the Spanish conquest .Over the past two centuries, the Miskito have intermarried with black emigrations from the Caribbean islandsas well as smaller numbers of Chinese, Arabs, Europeans and, more recently, Spaniard-Nicaraguans . As manyas fifty percent of the Miskito have Negroid physical characteristics .In the past, the Miskito have experienced relative social and political isolation from national concerns,including the civil strife in 1978 . Economically, the Miskito have not engaged in significant commerce ortrade within Nicaragua, but have rather been subject to boom- and-bust cycles of foreign exploitation(chronologically--rubber, mahogony, gold-silver, bananas, pine, and green sea turtles) . Still, a strongsubsistence economy survives based on slash-and-burn agriculture and fishing (including shrimp, turtles,and lobsters) .The term "purchase society" has been used to describe the Miskito desire to enter the wage labor marketto buy foreign manufactured goods, while maintaining political autonomy and a stable social organization .This can be contrasted to the term "peasantry," which implies total dependence on external social, political,and economic forces . Of late, the Nicaragua government has attempted greater integration of the Miskiotinto political and economic life through greater dependence on national institutions and capital inflowswith the distinct possibility of stimulating a broad shift from the "purchase society" to a "peasantry"classification .Within this context, the "Regional Educational Radio" concept was created . The project was firstproposed by the Wisconsin-Nicaragua Partners, a non-governmental organization (NGO ; headquarters : Madison,Wisconsin, U .S .A .) operating in the rural areas surrounding Puerto Cabezas for about five years with programsof nutrition and health education and the establishment of a number of health clinics along thecommunity health leader/health committee model . Port serves as a center for the health and nutritioneffort . (The Partners' operation in Port is known as CENDER--the Center for Regional Development .) FromCENDER medicines are distributed and daily contact with the clinics is maintained by short wave radio(single sideband) . Periodic instructional courses are held in Puerto Cabezas and selected Miskitovillages for the leaders . Visits are sometimes made to the rural areas by CINDER medical and nutritionalpersonnel, at this time primarily American Peace Corps Volunteers and medical students .At the outset, RER will attempt to utilize the health-nutrition leader network in its operation by(1) employing the leaders as sources of information for the radio themselves, and (2) encouraging theleaders to supplement their and others' instructional programming by local reinforcement through discussiongroups and informal chats .However, RER also includes a more non-traditional component in its operating philosophy . Instead ofonly delivering information predetermined as important by outsiders, all villagers--not only the healthand nutrition leaders--will be given the opportunity to participate in determining the&inds of informationthey wish to hear . This will be accomplished by making regular visits to the rural communities by RER

staff--two of whom are native Miskito speakers from the region--and recording the perception of problemsand potential solutions from village residents for later playback . Programming workshops will also beheld in the communities selected for study to achieve the greatest possible participation of rural residents. These workshops will be especially designed for those women determined by our detailed evaluationsas marginal in terms of interactive personal networks and information sources . Other feedback tools, suchas reading received letters over the air, will also be tried .2 . PurposeAs originally conceived, the broad purpose of RER is to provide useful information in the areas ofnutrition, health, and agriculture to the rural population . The underlying assumptions of this approachare that lack of information is the main impediment to change, and that needed information is the soleproperty of knowledge "experts ." Within this context, the goals as stated in the original grant proposalare as follows : 1) Measurable changes in knowledge gained in the areas of child care, nutrition, familyplanning, and farming methods . 2) A regular listening audience of 80% of the families within the region .3) Reinforcement of radio messages by community health and nutrition leaders and midwives . 4) A highlevel of confidence in the accuracy of information presented . 5) Regular use of RER by public schoolsystems in supplementing basic courses and in the administration of rural public schools . 6) Partial phaseoutof Wisconsin-Nicaragua Partners by September 1980 .Besides being quite vague, these goals are well within the dated "top-down" development philosophywhich the two American co-coordinators of the projects do not feel is in all aspects appropriate . Therefore,we have tried to shift the focus of these goals--primarily using their vagueness as a realistic justification--to 1) a study of how the station fits into formal and informal communication networks on subjects ofhealth and nutrition among village women of childbearing age, and 2) a coorientation study of the perceptionsthese women and employees of various educational institutions concerned with nutrition, agriculture, andhealth have of each other, and how they change over time . Three villages have been selected for study,including one control village outside the listening area . Time I (before the station goes on the air)interviews have been largely completed by this writing . Time II (after the station has been on the airfor six or more months) interviews are planned for later in 1979 .We believe that results from the evaluation will show whether the radio station plus "participationpackage" (programming workshops, user-initiated feedback techniques, coordination with other educationalorganizations) has been effective in promoting a degree of self-determination in information acquisitionand utilization . Moreover, we will gain an idea to what extent internal organization is important forthe translation of information into action, i .e ., when internal political/social structures are as importantor more important than simply offering information for social change to occur .3 . Research designThe formal design is a pre-post survey . Time I questions were administered before radio broadcastingbegan ; Time II questions will be asked of the same respondents after programming is underway . Sampleconsists of all women between the ages 15 to 45 (roughly child-bearing age) in three Miskito Indianvillages : two test villages and one control village outside broadcast range . All local employees of fiveregional development organizations form part of the sample, as well .4 . Questionnaire- 94 -The questionnaire consists of two parts : A) Network questions to determine where women obtain informationabout nutrition and health matters (in terms of both specific people and other media sources) ;B) Coorientation questions to determine villagers' perceptions of goals of the development organizationsvs . the goals as enunciated by members of the organizations themselves .5 . InterventionThe research intervention is the implementation of regional educational radio (RER) . This consistsof start-up and continuation of regular broadcasting on an AM station that does not now exist . Initialbroadcast schedule is expected to be three to four hours a day . Programming will be largely in the indigenousMiskito language but will be in English and the national language of Spanish, as well .A unique aspect of RER--in terms of both programming and the study of communication networks--is whatwe call the "participation package ." This package will consist of activities we consider ideal forcommunity-based programming : conducting staff-sponsored workshops in villages to demonstrate the mechanicsof using a cassette tape recorder ; leaving tape recorders in villages, encouraging residents to recordideas, music, concerns ; encouraging villagers and local nutrition and health leaders to participate by useof various feedback techniques ; enhancing local leaders by including them in regular radio programming ;coordinating efforts with the school system and other regional development organizations .

- 95 -6 . HypothesesAmong anticipated results : a) we expect sheer volume of communication about nutrition and healthmatters to increase from Time I to Time II . b) we expect those villagers who become regular voices on theradio to increase their "connectedness" in village communication networks . c) we expect "radio" to bementioned as an information source more frequently at Time II than at Time I . d) we expect an increasein agreement of perceptions of organizations' goals between villagers and organization employees from TimeI to Time II .7 . ScheduleBecause of unforseen-but not untypical--delays, RER broadcasting will begin in mid-April 1979 . Budgetand other grant specifications require Time II interviews to be conducted in July, allowing but two-anda-halfmonths of participatory programming . The researchers hope to be able to conduct a follow-up surveyat a later date .8 . Requests of readersThe researchers/project coordinators are interested in hearing from readers who have worked in similarcommunication projects and/or have dealt with network analysis in non-urban communities Specifically,we're interested in the mechanics and cost of programming two corresponding (Time I and Time II) sets ofnetwork data . (Sample size for the three villages is 117 subjects .) We'd also like to hear from otherswho have ideas for enhancing the participation package described above .Readers may contact : Bonnie Brownlee and Gary Garriott,Ned WallacecoordinatorsWisconsin-Nicaragua PartnersProyecto RER, Puerto Cabezas or 610 North Walnut StreetDepto . de Zelaya Madison, WI 53706Nicaragua, Centro AmericaMOTHERS'NETWORK STUDYLois Steinberg (National Opinion Research Center, Chicago)The Mothers' Network Study is focused on understanding how mothers develop contacts within and beyondthe community to influence local public school decisions . We are especially interested in networks whichsupport programs or policies that would improve educational services for children whose interests are notrepresented, or are overlooked, by local educational authorities . The study is sponsored by the NationalInstitute of Education .By informal network we mean a group of mothers who got to know each other through shared activities ormutual friends and who use these contacts, rather than membership in a formal organization (such as the PTA)to influence the school program .The networks included in the study are located in two communities, a northeast suburb and a midwestcity . We will interview members of seven networks, other citizens active in school affairs, and schooladministrators affected by the networks . We will also tour neighborhoods and observe school activities tosee how community and school factors affect mothers' opportunities to form informal networks . The findingswill be applied to a comparative analysis of similar community-school factors in five different communitiesin a third city .Some of the questions we will try to answer are : How did the mothers develop the networks? Under whatcircumstances can a network operate effectively? Are networks affected by neighborhood characteristics?Data will be collected by network members and community residents who will also serve as consultantsto the project . A summary of the findings will be prepared especially for these participants .

- 9 6 -SI'EQAL JOURNAL ISSUESAbstracts from SOCIALNETWORKS I (No .3), (Feb ., 1979)Foster, Brian L . (State U . of New York at Binghamton) "Formal Network Studies and the AnthropologicalPerspective"Anthropological social network studies are primarily of interest for an original formulation of theclassic sociological problem of reconciling structural and action aspects of social organization . Ingeneral, however, these studies have produced disappointing substantive results owing to serious methodologicaland theoretical difficulties . Within the anthropological tradition are two types of research, viz .,structural kinship studies and cognitive anthropological decision models, which have produced sound substantiveresults and which, if generalized and properly combined, could provide the methodological and theoreticaltools which eluded the network scholars .Coombs, Gary (Archaeological Research, Inc .) "Opportunities, Information Networks and the Migration-Distance Relationship"of migration, on the one hand, and the distancesource and target, on the other, may be traced back at least to the work of E .G .of migration" . Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 48(1885) : 167-227 ; 52observed that the vast majority of migrants tend to traverse relatively shortsubsequent research has done much to isolate the general mathematical attributesThe study of the relationship between the volumebetween the migrationRavenstein ("The laws(1889) : 241-301), whodistances . Extensivetheandmigration-distance relationship, yet the causes of this relationship have been relatively ignoredare thus far less well understood .The present research is addressed directly to these underlying causes . In particular, the studyevaluates the role of information concerning opportunities and the dispersion of this information in socialnetworks in producing a relationship between migration and distance . Analysis centers on an ethnohistoricmigration process, involving the movement of Chumash Indians to the California mission of Santa Barbara .ofJedlicka, Davor (U . of Georgia) "Opportunities, Information Networks and International Migration Streams"Theoretically, the basis for the continuance of international migration streams lies in the free flowof information between origin and destination . The people best informed about possible opportunities atthe destination are most likely to emigrate .This idea is expressed as a simple linear equation and tested in predicting the size of migrationstreams from eight regions in Japan to each of four major Hawaiian Islands . A destination tends toattract new immigrants from an origin in direct proportion to the previously established amount of migrationfrom that origin to that distination . In general, previous migration may have considerable relevance tocontinuation of streams in the future .Pitts, Forrest R . (U . of Hawaii) "The Medieval River Trade Network of Russia Revisited"Medieval trade and communication along the rivers of Russia are considered as a social network . Twomeasures are presented . An intermediate node occurrence rate (Shimbel's stress index) provides a measureof centrality . The short-path distances to all other places are summed to provide a system-effort measureof accessibility . Both measures show Moscow to have been most central and accessible with aggregate leasteffort .Freeman, Linton C . (Lehigh U .) "Centrality in Social Networks Conceptual Clarification"The intuitive background for measures of structural centrality in social networks is reviewed andexisting measures are evaluated in terms of their consistency with intuitions and their interpretability .Three distinct intuitive conceptions of centrality are uncovered and existing measures are refinedto embody these conceptions . Three measures are developed for each concept, one absolute and one relativemeasure of the centrality of positions in a network, and one reflecting the degree of centralization of theentire network . The implications of these measures for the experimental study of small groups is examined .

- 97 -Abstracts from SOCIALNETWORKS I (No . 4), (Mar . 1979)Fennema, Meindert (Political Science, U . Amersterdam) and Schijf, Huibert (Sociological Institute, U .Amersterdam) "Analysing Interlocking Directorates : Theory and Methods"In this review article an overview is given of research on interlocking directorates . The emphasis ison methodological problems and innovations . The start of research on interlocking directorates in Germanyand the U .S .A . at the beginning of this century is described . Studies on financial groups are then discussed,followed by the sociological approach and longitudinal studies . Finally, more recent research isdiscussed, starting with a short introduction to the research on networks of interlocking directorates .In the last section five topics are discussed in more detail : component analysis, groups in the network,different types of interlocking directorates, the stability of interlocking directorates and the relationbetween different corporate interlocks .Mokken, Robert J . (PoZiticaZ Science, U . Amersterdam) and Stokonan, Frans N . (Sociology, U . Groningen)"Corporate-Governmental Networks in the Netherlands"Corporate networks studies have been restricted mainly to the private or business sectors . Networkanalyses involving both corporations and state or government agencies have been extremely rare . In thispaper, the intercorporate network of interlocking directorates in the Netherlands, based on 86 largecorporations and financial institutions, is studied in terms of a bipartite corporate-governmental networkwhich arises from the interlocking memberships linking these corporations with major committees, agenciesand similar centers of decision in the public sector or central state mechanisms in the Netherlands . Thecorporations, representing 27 industrial sectors, have been related to government and state agencies in28 policy sectors . In this exploratory analysis the two heavy industries, metal/shipbuilding and chemicals/oilstand out clearly . With respect to the 17 central firms the results demonstrate consistentcorrespondence between their central position in the Dutch corporate network and the degree of their interlockswith policy sectors in the state . The results also show that the interlocks are overwhelminglylinked with the two policy sectors "economic affairs" and "education and sciences" . Hence a more detailedanalysis of the interlocks with these two policy sectors is reported .ZijZstra, Gerrit J . (Political Science, U . Amsterdam) "Networks in Public Policy : Nuclear Energy in theNetherlands"The article analyses the network of interlocking directorates as a part of public policy analysis ofnuclear energy policy in the Netherlands . This network represents an interorganizational communicationstructure on the policy decision level . An organization's position in this structure reflects its positionin policy formulation and implementation . Semi-governmental bodies function as important mediators betweencentral government and private actors, of which the engineering and electricity companies have beenthe most influential .Berkowitz, Stephen D . ; Carrington, Paul J . ; Kotowitz, Yehuda; and Lenard Wavarman (Sociology, Economics,U . Toronto) "The Determination of Enterprise Groupings through Combined Ownership and Directorship Ties"Recent work on economic structure has tended to focus around discovering general or global mappingsto represent complex patterns of binary or multiplex ties . By contrast, this paper seeks to define anintermediate level of structure-the "enterprise"-and to measure it concretely using a combination ofownership and director/officership or executive board membership ties .In the first section, we outline the theoretical and substantive basis of the concept of "enterprises"as it is used in the literature . Difficulties in the operationalization of this concept are then surveyedand some tentative solutions suggested . In the second section, we describe in detail the methods used toimplement our definition of enterprises for a set which includes the 5306 firms which most directly shapethe Canadian economy . The third section outlines the impact of the use of four slightly different versionsof this definition on arrays of enterprise memberships . Finally, the larger implications of our findingsbothfor the measurement of intermediate levels of structure and for the study of cross-national economicconnections - are discussed .Burs, Ronald S . (Sociology, U . California-Berkeley) "A Structural Theory of Interlocking CorporateDirectorates"A theory is proposed that explains where interlocking corporate directorates should appear betweensectors of an economy, where they should not appear, and the profitability of efficient corporate interlocking. Taking the sector of an economy as the unit of analysis, interlocking directorates are cast asstrategically created constraints on those sectors of the economy most "problematic" for obtaining pro-

- 98 -fits in a given industry of firms . The extent to which each sector of the American economy is problematicfor obtaining profits in two-digit and four-digit manufacturing industries is estimated from researchlinking industry profits with the form of the pattern of relations defining the industry as a position inthe network of dollar flow transactions given in the 1967 Input-Output Study for the United States . A twostage process is described for sampling firms representative of large corporations involved in Americanmanufacturing . Measures of alternative strategies for interlocking across sectors are described . Twoclasses of hypotheses are derived : (1) Firms in an industry should interlock with firms in some othersector in proportion to the extent to which the sector constrains the industry's profits . (2) Controllingfor production and market differences, the ability of firms in an industry to obtain unusually high profitsreflects their success in creating interlocks with those sectors most problematic for their industry'sprofits .Abstracts form SOCIOLOGICAL METHODS AND RESEARCHNetwork Analysis, edited by Ronald S . Burt .7 (No . 2) (November, 1978) . Special Issue on AppliedBurt, Ronald S . (Sociology, U . California-Berkeley) "Applied Network Analysis : An Overview .""Manuscripts have been solicited for this collection so as to represent six modes of network analysiscurrently popular in the social sciences . The collection will hopefully expose the range of practicalissues relevant to applied network analysis . The six modes of network analysis are distinguished by twoparameters ; (1) the level of aggregation of actors - individuals versus subgroups within a system versuswhole systems, and (2) the approach taken to linkages between actors - the relational approach versus thepositional approach . The relational approach is typified by traditional sociometry in its focus on therelations between actors . Subgroups within this approach are 'cliques .' Actors are aggregated into aclique to the extent that the actors are connected to one another by intense relations . The positionalapproach focuses on the pattern of relations in which an actor is involved . All an actor's relations toand from other actors in a system define the actor's position in the system . In terms of academictradition, the positional approach is associated with social stratification ; positions operationalizingstatuses and role-sets . Subgroups within this approach are 'statuses' or 'jointly occupied positions .'Actors are combined into a single position to the extent that they have identical patterns of relationswith other actors in a system . Such actors are 'structurally equivalent' to one another ." (excerpted fromarticle ; for full text, see Connections 1 (3) : 9-12) .McCaZZister, Lynne and Claude S . Fischer (Sociology, U . California-Berkeley) "A Procedure for SurveyingPersonal Networks"The application of network analysis to certain issues in sociology requires measurement of individuals'personal networks . These issues generally involve the impact of structural locations on persons' sociallives . One such case is the Northern California Community Study of the personal consequences of residentialenvironments . This article describes and illustrates the methodology we have developed for studyingpersonal networks by mass survey . It reviews the conceptual problems in network definition and measurement,assesses earlier efforts, presents our technique, and illustrates its applications .Lin, Nan (Sociology, SUNY-Albany), Paul W. Dayton and Peter Greenwald (New York State Department of Health)"Analyzing the Instrumental Use of Relations in the Context of Social Structure"Employing a variation of the Small World technique for tracing social relations in the context of alarger social structure, the instrumental uses of social relations are examined in terms of the prestigeand types of relations characteristic of participants in the search process . The results show thatsuccessful chains tend to involve participants of higher occupational prestige as the chains progressbefore "dipping" down toward the target prestige level at the last link . Also, the successful chainstend to utilize weak and infrequent social relations rather than strong and frequent social relations .Alba, Richard D . (Sociology, Cornell U .) and Gwen Moore (Sociology, SUNY-Brockport) "Elite Social Circles"We describe a method for locating the denser, or more cohesive, parts of networks . The method startsfrom the identification of cliques, or maximal complete subgraphs . Since there are numerous such subgraphsin most networks, they are then aggregated when they overlap sufficiently . The resulting aggregatedsubgraphs are frequently large, not necessarily disjoint, and comparatively denser regions of thefull network ; frequently, they have the characteristics of social circles . Applied to an interactionnetwork containing nearly 900 individuals from the American Leadership Study, we identify a number ofthese denser regions, most of which are small cliques, based on the shared interests and institutionallocations of their members . One large central circle also results, and we discuss its interpretation interms of integration of the overall network .

- 99 -Burt, Ronald S . (Sociology, U . of California-Berkeley) "Cohesion versus Structural Equivalence as a Basisfor Network Subgroups ."Two basic approaches to network analysis are compared in terms of the network subgroups each produces .The relational approach, developing from traditional sociometry, focuses on relations between actors(individuals, groups, or corporations) and aggregates actors connected by cohesive bonds into "cliques ."The positional approach focuses on the pattern of relations in which an actor is involved and aggregatesactors with similar patterns, i .e ., "structurally equivalent" actors, into jointly occupied positions .There are several questions that can be posed for a specific project that might lead an individual toanalyze subgroups in terms of cohesion versus structural equivalence . Here, considering a series of suchquestions, I conclude that subgroups based on structural equivalence are to be preferred to those based oncohesion . Cliques can be analyzed as a special type of jointly occupied network position . Illustrationis provided by data on the elite experts in methodological and mathematical sociology circa 1975 .Breiger, Ronald L . (Sociology, Harvard U .) and Philippa E . Pattison(U . Melbourne) "The Joint Role Structureof Two Communities' Elites"Blockmodel analysis offers a perspective for developing operational theories of role interlock acrossmultiple networks . We identify precisely those features of role interlock that are shared by the elitesof two small cities . This joint role structure is then interpreted with the aid of an algebraic modelthat we formulate on the basis of Granovetter's (1973) "strength of weak ties" argument . Our discussionillustrates the operationalization of substantive and theoretical concepts in the form of idealized rolestructures, and their application via blockmodel analysis to observed network data .Holland, Paul W. (Educational Testing Service) and Samuel Leinhardt (SUPA, Carnegie-Mellon) "An OmnibusTest for Social Structure Using Triads ."A general or omnibus test of structure in social network data is proposed . The test exploits all ofthe information contained in the triad census . Analogous to the classical F-test for contrasts amongmeans, the proposed test involves finding a weighting vector which maximizes a test statistic, T 2 (max),in the context of an empirical data matrix and then determining whether this quantity is statisticallysignificant by reference to a table of the chi-square distribution . An insignificant value of T 2 (max)implies that the structure of the network data matrix is random, and, therefore, that the search forrecognizable or substantively meaningful pattern in the data may be subject to artifactual discoveries .Empirical results are presented which indicate that, of the networks commonly studied by social researchers,some have random structure, others have nonrandom structure and exhibit strong indications of transitivityand still others, with strong indications of nonrandom structure, do not exhibit strong indications oftransitivity .

- 100 -THESIS SUMMARIESTHE CONTENT AND STRUCTURE OF FRIENDSHIP : AN ANALYSIS OF THE FRIENDSHIPS OF URBAN CAMEROONIANSMaureen FitzGeraZd (Ph .D . Thesis, 1978, Anthropology, Northwestern U .)The systematic study of friendship has been improved by the use of the concepts and methods of networkanalysis . However the precision of network methodology for such studies is not useful in and of itself .The understanding of friendship, its processes and implications necessitates placing such friendship networksin a larger social context and considering them in light of the major social forces of a particularsocial system .The data for this dissertation were collected in 1970 from interviews with 135 individuals living inYaounde, Cameroon, West Africa . They were asked to list all those they considered as friends, to orderand rank their friends, to talk about the history of the friendships, and to give information on which oftheir friends knew each other .The method of path analysis from graph theory was used to describe the structural properties of thesefriendship networks . Close friends tend to be connected friends in the sense that close friends, more thandistant friends, are tied into ego's other friends independently of ego . This is shown to be true usingtwo indicators of connectivity : (1) the number of direct connections (defined as knowing) that a particularfriend of ego has with ego's other friends . (2) the position of a particular friends within a network offriends using shortest path analysis .There are two major types of networks . In type I (42% of all networks) each person in the networkis "reachable" by every other person in the network independently of the connection with ego . In type II(44% of all networks) most people are "reachable" but there were in addition, a number of isolated friends .Density, calculated by using only the direct connections of a network exclusive of ego's connection, wasalso calculated for each network . Independent business owners and lower level civil servants were thecategories of people who most frequently have connected networks with high density . The most extremelydisconnected networks (neither type I or type II) are confined to workers (especially the marginallyemployed and the unemployed) women and students . Thus there appears to be a relationship between the needsand resources of ones' work and the morphology of ones' friendship network .I suggest that the absence of regular access to resources makes it difficult to maintain tight networks .Indeed, a recurring point made in the analysis is that there is an important material component that underliesfriendship . The main emphasis in peoples' concept of friendship is that friendship functions to maintainand strengthen a person's material well being as opposed to moral or psychological well being . Thismay or may not be recognized in their ideology about friendship . In the context of Cameroon, rapid socialand economic change differentiates the population and many people live in precarious and limited materialcircumstances . Tensions in friendships occur around this resource shortage and the exchange of goods andservices is a highly salient and recognized component of friendship .Affect, in the sense of a "liked quality" of the person, is deemphasized in peoples' ideology offriendship . However, affect, as "feelings of closeness", is demonstrated by informants by the ease withwhich they rank friends according to this criterion . Close friends tend to be old friends or at leastfriendships that have developed out of a long acquaintance . Over time relationships accumulate roles sothat close friendships are also more multiplex . Friends are derived out of the contexts of social life .Friends in this context were also workmates, neighbours, kin, schoolmates, team mates or attendants of thesame church . Friendships may involve multiple contexts of association and interaction . Work is animportant locus of friendship although seldom so for close friends . Higher civil servants, professionals,managers and entrepreneurs tend to have work as a locus in their friendships . It is concluded thatstability of the job was the most important factor in explaining how friendships that were initiated viathe work locus were maintained and developed through time and often over distance .It is important to understand the way in which work situations mould different patterns of friendship .Barnes used the term "network" to describe ties between "persons who accord approximately equal status toone another, and it is these ties that constitute the class system" . These particular eogcentric networksfrom Cameroon also demonstrate status homogeneity, defined by occupational status, that I maintain constitutesan indicator of an emerging class system . The networks also tend to be ethnically homogeneous .Thus in this urban African context, the arena of friendship is segmented and friendship choices are limitedby both the ethnic and occupational structure of the society .

The problem is not so much with the measurement of homogeneity of sets of friends as with its interpretation. It is important in making an interpretation to first understand and recognize how both ethnicityand occupational stratification intersect and how both are linked to differential access to power andresources . Second, Cameroon is a state in the process of transformation and interpersonal relationshipsreflect this . Patronage still intersects with these interpersonal relationships that informants label asfriendship . This is most clearly seen in the friendship sets of those who are involved with small scalebusinesses and artisan establishments where interpersonal relationships of clientage and apprenticeshipsare crucial . This has to be seen in relationship to the nature and scale of the economy and the size andcontrol of resources of the state bureaucracy .In conclusion, these data corroborated a theory of transformation of interpersonal relationships whichsees the reduction of face-to-face contact between those of different social classes as a society becomesabsorbed into an economic structure based on industrial capitalism .PYRAMIDS OF POWER AND COMMUNION : THE STRUCTURAL PROPERTIES OF CHARISMATIC COMMUNESRaymond T . Bradley (Ph .D . Thesis, 1979, Sociology, Columbia U ., New York)This research is concerned with two important sociological ideas : the concept of charisma and theconcept of social structure . In linking the two the primary objective has been to contribute to agreater sociological understanding of charisma . Data from the first wave of a larger three year panelstudy of 57 urban communes, sampled from 6 American cities and conducted in 1974 through 1976, havebeen used to identify the distinctive relational characteristics of charismatic situations . As small,bounded, all but total institutions of voluntary membership, communes are a natural strategic researchsite accessible for the systematic study of whole social entities . Consequently, in this study it hasbeen possible, for the first time, to undertake systematic, empirical research aimed at identifyingthe structural features of charismatic situations as global totalities .Previous research has viewed charisma primarily as an attribute of an individual : psychologically,as an unusual set of personality attributes ; and sociologically as a special category of social identitythat may also involve a relationship of authority . But the approach pursued in this study starts withthe premise that charisma is a property of the group : authority based on a set of shared beliefs, heldby a collectivity, about the extraordinary powers of a supernatural origin that a particular individualor social position is believed to possess . When such beliefs become the basis upon which the socialrelationships among group members are organized, the relationships have a meaning and set of implicationsthat stand above the individual members . Thus, the major purpose of this research is to empiricallyassess the utility of a social-structural conception of charisma as a distinctive pattern of socialrelationships that, while it is emergent from the individuals involved, it also has a reality, logic, andsignificance that is independent of their characteristics and behavior .A review of the epistemological foundations of the concept of social structure resulted in theidentification of four requirements for the construction of substantive theories of social structurethat are both powerful and verifiable . These requirements involve specifying (with the rationale) :the kinds of social positions and social relationships involved ; the expected structural propertiesthat emerge from the interrelation of the positions and the relations ; the contextual conditions forthe structure's existance ; and the structure's propensity for stability or change .After Weber's theory of the "principal characteristics" of charismatic leadership was questionedon theoretical and empirical grounds, these criteria were used to guide the construction of analternative theory . This theory postulated that the relational structures of charismatic situationshave two distinguishing characteristics . The first is a pattern of highly interlocking bonds ofintense, positive, emotional affinity connecting all members . Acting on the strong feelings of commonidentity and mutual affection, the charismatic leader is a catalyst facilitating a highly volatilecommunion that mobilizes and energizes the group . By itself the production of such collective behavioris a threat to group stability and survival . But the second characteristic, a clearly defined,transitively ordered power hierarchy, under the control of the charismatic leader, maintains collectivestability by monitoring the group and regulating each individual's participation . Power is also involvedin the organization of collective effort to meet the everyday sustenance needs of the members .Within the framework of a multi-methods research design, an extensive body of qualitative andquantitative data were systematically collected and analyzed at the individual, relational, and globallevels of analysis . Of the 57 communes, 28 were classified as charismatic and 29 as noncharismaticafter ethnographic materials indicated that leadership was based on shared beliefs about theextraordinary abilities, of a supernatural origin, that an individual or position was believed - topossess . At the individual level, analysis revealed little difference in the backgrounds and socialcharacteristics of the charismatic and noncharismatic members . But stronger differences were foundwhen global aspects of the communes were compared : the charismatic groups tended to be larger in size,be affiliated with a larger "parent" organization, have a greater degree of ideological consensus, andhave more formalized patterns of social organization .

- 1 0 2 -Since the theory postulates the existance of certain geometric configurations, Holland andLeinhardt's triadic analysis was selected as the appropriate tool for a systematic analysis of thecommunes' relational patterns . After subdividing each group's sociometric structure into 16 differenttriad types, this technique then assesses the extent to which observed triad distributions are more thanthe product of chance .Following the complete mapping of all possible relationships among all the members in a group, anexhaustive analysis was undertaken of the uniplex and multiplex relational patterns, hierarchically, interms of three distinct relational levels of analysis : viz ; individual sociometric choices, dyadicbonding, and triadic configurations . Of the 15 different relational contents examined, bonds ofpositive affect (especially "loving") and "power" distinguished the charismatic from the noncharismaticgroups most powerfully across these structural levels . Furthermore, when the differences in group size,proportions of individual sociometric choices, and densities of dyads were controlled, an independentstructural difference in the triadic patterns was still present, as theoretically expected . Thecharismatic groups, especially those with resident charismatic leaders, were found to have highlyconnected, interlocking, reciprocated bonds of positive affect and nondisjointed, transitive,multi-level power hierarchies, while exclusive pairs and cliques of positive affect and disjointed powerstructures of competing dominance chains, multiple leaders, and/or few levels of hierarchy characterisethe noncharismatic communes . Further analysis found that "loving" bonds have a high probability ofcoexisting with "power" in the charismatic groups . This finding questions the generality of Heider'stheory, that relationships of power and those of affection will be structurally differentiated in groups .Finally, a multivariate analysis found a consistent association between charisma and these relationalproperties that is independent of individual and global characteristics . It will be important in futurework to assess the utility of the social-structural conception of charisma developed in this study innoncommunal, charismatic situations .SELECTED EXAMPLES OF THE STRUCTURE OF BONDS OF POSITIVE AFFECT AND POWER RELATIONSHIPSIN CHARISMATICAND NONCHARISMATIC COMMUNESCHARISMATIC :NONCHARISMATIC :W " . lrrr ~ ..t .i i I t..ICIY"7m.u. I yr-Y ."DIY 1 4c¢l.j."0 IA .- 0I~\.00114011n °00akip0 0 00. -00mp h qb'S b bib.. v .. : 0 ob .-60O0n.. ..r d): cb Yu : 0....w1w.r .1.W-~ aewsr.w .l.(r

- 1 0 3 -NEW BOOKSBryan Roberts, 1978 . Cities of Peasants : The Political Economy of Urbanization in the Third World .London : Edward Arnold .My aim is to show how the form of economic expansion that occurred in Europe from the sixteenth centuryonwards has shaped the patterns of growth in under-developed areas of the world . My focus is urbanizationsince it is the increasing concentration of population in urban centres and in non-agriculturalemployment that is often seen as a necessary condition of economic development . Thus, in the first chapter,I will examine different ways in which we can conceive the link between urban growth and economic development. I will suggest that the most convincing framework for our analysis is that of the economic interdependencyof nations and of regions within nations .Interdependency implies that the economic and social institutions of any one area are shaped by therelationships which this area maintains with others . There is, thus, no single model of economic growthor social change which all countries must emulate if they are to achieve development . The potential of anyone area, such as its urban or industrial growth, is formed by that area's position within a wider worldeconomic system . In this system, some areas acquire a predominant place and others a subordinate one .Wealth and poverty, modernity and traditionalism are, in this way, the reverse sides of the same coin ofeconomic growth .To deepen this argument, I will look at the contrasting cases of Britain and the United States which,in different ways, became the powers that from the nineteenth century onwards most deeply affected thearea of the underdeveloped world that is our focus - Latin America . Despite the importance of externalfactors in limiting economic development, we will see that the major force for change within underdevelopedcountries is their internal economic growth . This growth takes on different forms in different countries,bringing new social and political forces into play . These forces affect the development of politicalinstitutions and of class organization and, in turn, institutions and class conflict determine the characterof economic growth . It is this type of analysis which helps us understand why there is a diversity ofresponses to the common situation of underdevelopment .The second and third chapters are organized historically, covering the colonial period, the nineteenthcentury and the twentieth century until the contemporary period . The aim of these historical chapters isto examine the changes in the pattern of urbanization in underdeveloped countries resulting from the increasinglyclose economic relationship between underdeveloped countries and the advanced capitalist countries .I will contrast the type of urbanization present in colonial Latin America with that which took shape whenthe subcontinent was more closely integrated into the European and North American economies in the nineteenthand twentieth centuries, noting the radical effects of industrialization on the agrarian structureand on producing an increasing concentration of economic activities in a few metropolitan centres . By comparingfour countries (Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Mexico) with different patterns of economic development,we see how the systems of production dominant in underdeveloped countries shape class organization and thedevelopment of the state . Recent political developments such as populism are, however, the result of aconvergent economic process, that of industrialization .It is the dominant pattern of contemporary economic growth, based on industrialization, and nottraditionalism or inertia that prevents a more even and rapid agrarian development . The characteristics ofpresent-day urban migration are thus viewed in terms of the economic activism of the rural population aswell as in terms of the greater economic opportunities present in the cities . The issue that best helps usunderstand why cities can continue to attract population is that of urban economic dualism . Economic growthconcentrates in the large-scale sector of the urban economy which offers the best profits, salaries andwages . Yet, a small-scale sector of the urban economy continues to thrive, though on low wages and lowprofits through the interdependence of the two sectors . The large-scale sector makes use of the smallscalesector as a reserve of unskilled and casual labour, as a means of putting-out work and as a meansof providing cheaply services, such as transport, commerce and repairs, which facilitate the expansionof the large-scale sector . The small-scale sector absorbs labour, using the income opportunities providedby the large-scale sector . We will see that part of the explanation for the persistence of this dualisticstructure is the growing importance of the state in the economy . The state acts to foster rapid economicgrowth, but at the expense of investment in social infrastructure .The nature of the dualistic urban economy affects social relationships, housing, local-level politicsand even religious practices, producing a situation in which the poor are active but unincorporated membersof the urban populations of underdeveloped countries . The poor are, however, fragmented ideologicallyand by their short-term economic interests . Since no class or class fraction has sufficient strength andappeal to form the basis of stable government, there is a permanent crisis in government which makes itdifficult to obtain the consensus needed to resolve the problems of an increasing technological and

- 1 0 4 -financial dependence, internal inflation, lack of private investment in production and so on . The increasein authoritarian and often military government in Latin America and other underdeveloped countries is thusseen as a 'solution' to the current bottlenecks of economic growth, resolving temporarily the class conflictsbrought about by industrialization and urban development .Bryan Roberts . 1973 . Organizing Strangers : Poor Families in Guatemala City . Austin and London : Universityof Texas Press .The subject of this book is social change, particularly that change occurring as a result of rapidurban growth in underdeveloped countries . The material used here is drawn from a study of poor familiesliving in Guatemala City . Their homes, their appearance, and their evident difficulties in meeting thenecessities of daily life make me characterize them as poor . One group of families lives in a shantytownlocated near the center of the city ; the other lives in a legally established neighborhood on the outskirts .Both areas are well known in the city as the residences of poor families, and in this book they are giventhe pseudonyms "San Lorenzo" and "Planificada ." Although these families include very few white-collarworkers, they vary in income and ather social characteristics and are, in most respects, similar to themajority of Guatemala City's population . In their own life careers, they have experienced the transitionfrom villages and towns to a large, rapidly growing city, and it is through their life careers and presentbehavior that more general questions of social change are approached .This study looks at the behavior of these families in terms of two distinct but interconnected perspectives. First is the analysis of the implications of rapid urban growth for the lives of poor people .During the lifetimes of our subjects, Guatemala City has considerably changed its social and economicorganization, and these changes have affected the ways in which people interact with each other and copewith their environment . Some of these changes are necessary consequences of urban life, especially in arapidly expanding city . Both migrants and city born have come to reside among strangers who are rarelyrelated by familial or occupational ties . As position within a set of friends and kin has become lessrelevant to obtaining jobs, housing, and social standing, individual characteristics, such as education,age, and personal appearance, have become more relevant . However, to use the data only to illustratechange would be to ignore the importance that people's actions and perceptions have for directing change .It is in their attempts to cope with a series of problems and possibilities emerging from the rapid andunplanned growth of the city that the poor in Guatemala are themselves becoming further factors in socialchange . From this perspective, change is occurring in this city through the attempts of people with certainsocial characteristics to interpret and mold their urban environment so as to produce in it some degree oforder and predictability .These poor families are, then, active agents of change in urban life, but their activity is heavilyconditioned by the links they have with urban organizations and with other urban social groups . Poorpeople do not form an isolated group in Guatemala City but are permeated by external influences . One ofthe defining characteristics of urban life is this openness of its residents to the diversity of influencespresent in a city . In studying the activity of poor families, the relevant context will be not only otherpoor people in their immediate vicinity, but also all the groups and organizations that intentionally orunintentionally relate to them .I will detail the actions and orientations of poor and ill-educated people who find themselves in adisturbing and often dangerous urban milieu . What is striking about their behavior is the extent to whichthey are active in shaping their own destinies . This is not to say that they are successful, either intheir own terms or by some "objective" standard of economic and social development, but it is not for wantof trying . We will see them using sophisticated strategies to manipulate their urban economic and politicalenvironment, calculations that are often surprisingly shrewd and rational . Their behavior is describablein terms that could be applied equally to people in the developed societies, and their own positionappears to result not from their traditional practices or attitudes, but from more fundamental problemsof the social and economic structure of their country . This book will show how external influences repeatedlycondition and limit change within this environment . It is on this point that the present study andits conclusions differ from other studies of the poor in urban areas of Latin America . Here it is intendedto demonstrate that whatever the reasons for the capacity or incapacity of the poor to organize, to geton with each other, or to improve their individual positions, these cannot be explained in terms of a"culture of poverty ." Instead, this analysis emphasizes the importance of the outside influences thatpermeate these families . And for this reason the study also differs from analyses that emphasize themarginality of the poor as the obstacle to their urban adaption . On the contrary, the problem is preciselythat these families are overly involved in urban life .

- 10 5 -Barbara Hockey Kaplan, ed. 1978 . SocialChangeinthe Capitalist World Economy . Beverly Hills, Calif. : Sage .ContentsFred Block, "Marxist Theories of the State in World System Analysis"Richard Rubinson "Political Transformation in Germany and the United States"Walter Goldfrank "Fascism and World Economy"Theda Skocpol and Ellen Kay Trimberge "Revolutions and the World-Historical Development of Capitalism"Samih K . Farsoun and Walter F . Carroll "State Capitalism and Counterrevolution in the Middle East"Christopher Case-Dunn "Core-Periphery Relations : The Effects of Core Competition"Douglas Dowd "Continuity, Change and Tension in Global Capitalism"Terence Hopkins "World Systems Analysis : Methodological Issues"Immanuel Wallerstein "World-System Analysis : Theoretical and Interpretative Issues"Seymour B . Sarason and Elizabeth Lorentz . 1979 .To Action . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .The Challenge of the Resource Exchange Network : From ConceptWhere can we turn when available funding proves insufficient for our human services needs? As the fundsthat once seemed unlimited dry up, we must look within ourselves and learn to make the best possible use ofour vast human resource potential . This new book explores one promising way to do just that - the resourceexchange network - an informal association of representatives from various organizations (schools, colleges,welfare agencies, hospitals, counseling agencies, businesses and so on) who voluntarily join together toexchange knowledge, services, products, personnel, and other resources in order to accomplish some commongoal . These exchanges are made barter-style, trading available resources for needed resources - withoutrelying primarily on outside funding or agency support - for the mutual benefit and growth of all networkmembers .In their earlier work, Human Services and Resource Networks (Jossey-Bass, 1977), the authors followedthe development of one such resource exchange network (the Essex network) . This books goes beyond thatvolume by offering step-by-step guidelines for overcoming the obstacles to network development and operation,as well as numerous case examples of such networks in action . The authors explain what a resource exchangenetwork is and how it emerges ; examine the crucial role of the network coordinator and identify his or heressential leadership characteristics ; and point out opportunities for network growth . They suggest ways tostop the wasting of human resource potential caused by professionalism and job specialization . They investigateself-defeating competition for federal money among human services agencies and show how resource exchangemight instead help such agencies achieve service coordination . And they outline a way to introducethe resource exchange rationale into governmental organizations .Contents1 . Resource Exchange : Problems and Issues ; 2 . The Significance of Limited Resources ; 3 . Network Conceptsin Action : Case Studies ; 4 . Professionalism as an Obstacle to Network Development ; 5 . Issues of Leadershipand Coordination ; 6 . Defining a Resource Exchange Network ; 7 . Coordination and Resource ExchangeAmong Formal Organizations ; 8 . An Emerging Consensus on Networks ; 9 . The Ombudsman : A Key to ResourceExchange .Seymour B . Sarason, Charles F . Carroll, Kenneth Maton, Saul Cohen, and Elizabeth Lorentz . 1977 . HumanServices and Resource Networks : Rationale, Possibilities, and Public Policy . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .Contents1 . Human Resources and Social Networks ; 2 . Rationale of Social Networks ; 3 . The Work of Social Networks ;4 . The Emergence of a Network ; 5 . Significant Meetings and Network Growth ; 6 . The Functions of the GeneralMeeting ; 7 . Funding and the Dilemmas of Growth ; 8 . Leadership and the Character of Networks ; 9 . UnderstaffedSettings, Values, and Resources ; 10 . Meaning and Distinctiveness of Networks ; 11 . Network Conceptualizationand Change ; 12 . Settings, Networks, and Resources .SummaryHuman Services and Resource Networks describes the formation and development of a network of individualscreated for two major purposes : to exchange services and resources for the benefit and growth of all membersand to foster a needed psychological sense of community . The book discusses in detail the rationale behindthe network ; its conception, implementation, problems of leadership and growth ; and its accomplishments . Atruly innovative contribution to the theory and practice of resource networks, this volume will be particularlyrevealing to those who see money as the only way to acquire needed resources - a current view thatpits agency against agency in a competitive, self-defeating struggle . The book's extensive review of thegrowing literature makes it clear how the network has become a central concept in fields such as sociology,psychology, psychiatry,geography, anthropology, and education .

- 1 0 6 -John Foster, 1974 . Class Struggleandthe Industrial Revolution : Early Industrial Capitalismin Three English Towns, London : Weidenfeld and Nicolson .This is a fine structural account of the establishment of industrial capitalism--and working-class/bourgeois contentions for power--in early nineteenth century Oldham (a Manchester area industrial town) .Of particular methodological interest (pp . 195-96) is Foster's development of a friendship matrix of thebourgeoisie and his analysis of network clusters and chainsJoseph GaZaskiewicz, 1979 . Social Networks and Community Politics (Volume 75, Sage Library of SocialResearch) Beverly Hills, Cal : Sage .This book argues that social structures emerge out of the purposeful action of social agents -- whetherindividuals or organizations -- who seek to realize self-interests . Depending on their abilities andinterests, the actors will negotiate routinized oatterns of relationships that enhance these interests atthe expense of others . Galaskiewicz points out that he is, in fact creating a strategy for studying communityinstitutional structures . He argues that centrality in institutional networks is crucial in explainingpolitical participation of organizations . He also stresses that the political opinions of organizationsare limited not only by their individual resources, but also by their structural position in interorganizationalnetworks .Margaret PeiZ (Birmingham) . Forthcoming . Cities and Suburbs : Urban Life in West Africa . London : LongmansSteffen W. Schmidt, et al ., eds . 1977 . Friends, Followers and Factions : A Reader in Political CZienteZism .Berkeley : University of California Press .An excellent collection of 40 articles ; man_ are classics (e .g . Adrian Mayer, Eric Wolf, Abner Cohen,Alvin Couldner .)Sections include : Reciprocity, Networks and Dyads ; "heories of Clientelism ; Clientelism in TraditionalSettings ; -- in Local Perspective ; -- Middle-Level Perspectives (Brokerage) ; -- National Perspectives ;-- Theory and Development .Karl SchuessZer, ed . 1978 . Sociological Methodology 1979 . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .Contains articles by : Nancy Brandon Tuma and Michael Hannan, "Approaches to the Censoring Problem inAnalysis of Event Histories" Bonnie Erickson "Some Problems of Inference from Chain Data ."Andrea Menefee Singh, 1976 . Neighbourhood and Social Networks in Urban India . New Delhi : Marwah .A descriptive analysis of voluntary association and neighbourhood interaction among South Indianmigrants in contemporary Delhi .Starr Roxanne Hiltz and Murray Turoff, 1978 . The Network Nation : Human Communication Via Computer .Reading, Mass : Addison-Wesley ."This book is concerned with the recent emergence of a new alternative for conducting group communicationprocesses among groups or networks of persons or organizations such as meetings, study groups, andteaching-learning exchanges . It uses computers and computer terminals to provide a written form of discussionor meeting among a group of people . In the United States, it has most often been called 'computerizedconferencing' ; and in Canada, 'computer mediated interaction' . Sometimes it is known as 'teleconferencing',although this latter term is also applied to T .V . conferencing . . ."Helping you to understandthe nature and social implications of this new technology is the purpose of this book . The overall impact, wepredict, will be to : hasten the transformation of the social structure to what we term 'The Network Nation' ."ContentsA . The nature of computerized conferencing . An Overview : Computerized conferencing and relatedtechnologies . Development and Diversification of computerized conferencing . Social and Psychologicalprocess in computerized conferencing . B . Potential applications and impacts of computerized conferencing .Potential impacts of computerized conferencing on managerial and staff functions . Computer-mediatedcommunications and the disadvantaged . Public use . Science and technology . Research imperatives andopportunities . C . Projecting the future : The technology and its regulation . Structured communications . Thehuman-machine interface : design, dilemmas, and opportunities . Technology, economics and utility . Policy andregulation . Societal impacts of computerized conferencing . References . Bibliography on computerizedconferencing . Author Index . Subject Index .

- 1 0 7 -COMPUTER PROGRAMSTHE CATIJ TECHNIQUEH . Russell Bernard (Sociology/ Anthropology, West Virginia) and Peter D . KiZZworth (Applied Mathematics,Cambridge, England)IntroductionThis note describes the CATIJ technique for finding subgroups in ranked sociometric data . Thetechnique works on affective or effective data, generated by questions such as "Who do you like?" and"Who do you talk to?" respectively . However, we have never been able to grasp, intuitively, what anetwork of affective relations means, so we rarely use the CATIJ for this kind of analysis (see Bernardand Killworth, 1975 for a comparison of affective and effective networks over time, using the CATIJtechnique) . We believed at one time (Bernard and Killworth, 1973, Killworth and Bernard 1974a) that thedispersal of a piece of information by word of mouth might follow the lines mapped by CATIJ . And, infact, the number of possible paths between any two persons in a good-sized group is so great, that thismight still be the case, but trivially so . In view of our recent findings (Killworth and Bernard, 1976,1978 ; Bernard and Killworth 1977 ; Bernard, Killworth and Sailer, 1978) on the inaccuracy of the instrument"Who do you talk to?" we advise users of CATIJ to proceed with caution . We have concluded (Killworthand Bernard, 1978) that behavioral reality has structure . However, asking people to report that realityis an unreliable proxy for it, and we are now in a quandary . The results of CATIJ are invariably powerful; people in management positions find the results useful for decision making, for example . Invariably,the results of CATIJ appeal to the intuition of a group's members about how their group is "structured ."(By "structured," we mean "who is connected to whom, and through whom ;" nothing more, and nothing less .)Since the people in a group give us (individually) the input to CATIJ to begin with, it is not surprisingthat the collective output should have intuitive appeal . That's just what a good, subtle techniqueought to do . The quandary comes from the fact that the output from CATIJ (and other sociometric/networkclique finders) does not conform to a behavioral reality . So we don't know what to make of suchdata any longer . Things used to be simpler .How CATIJ worksThe original data for the method is supplied by as many informants in the group as possible . Allmembers should supply data ; however, if conditions do not permit this, then we assume that a) 80% ofthe group will supply data ; b) efforts are made to omit only random members of the group .Each informant is asked to rank his or her communications with the other members of the group .This may be done by giving the informant a deck of cards and giving some form of the instruction :"Arrange these cards in rank order, according to the amount you communicate with the people named onthe cards ." As it turns out, in groups of order 60, only 25 cards must be ranked . A similar proportionmay be used for other size groups . We have determined the number required for ranking empirically,over the course of testing more than 100 groups . Details of data collection are given in the manualfor using the KBPAK, the package which does the computer work for CATIJ (Killworth and Bernard, 1975) .After collecting the data, we create a matrix of "distances" from one member of the group toanother . For N members of a group, we define a "distance" d i from the ith informant to the jth memberof the group . In general, this matrix will be M x N where M .C N, corresponding to possible missing data .The distance from an informant to the member of the group ranked pth on his list is defined to bep . Hence, each row of the distance matrix d consists of the integers 1, 2, . . ., N-1, with a zero inthe diagonal . (This applies if a full ranking is performed by each informant . If not, undefineddistances are set to (N-1) by default .) This distance, as defined, is not commutative, and does notnecessarily obey the triangle in equality, i .e ., in general d ij = d ji and (d ij + djk ) are unrelated .We consider the matrix d in the light of the Baltimore traffic problem (see Acton, 1970) whichconsists of finding the shortest route between two points in a busy city, given the time taken totraverse any block in any given direction . Applied to d, this procedure attempts, by using intermediaries,to reduce the stated distance between two people . In other words, we try to find informantsk q , q = 1, 2, . . .r< j such thatmin = d iK + + dK K1 q q+1 +dK r-1 K r + dK rjd i

- 1 0 8 -Clearly, in order to find such a minimal distance matrix min at least one of whose elements is lessthan the corresponding element in d, it will be necessary to have some choice of routes, i .e ., we musthave two or more informants . The method used to find min is given by Acton (1970) .We do not place too much reliance on min as representing any structure of interest to networkers .Instead, we define a category matrix cat ., which we claim represents the cognitive network from the viewpointof each informant . 13We obtain this as follows : in the course of obtaining min, several possible routes from i to j willhave been selected . In general there may be more than one such minimal route ; if a choice still exists wechoose the route needing fewest intermediaries . Then we define catij to be one more than the number ofintermediaries used to proceed from i to j . In other words, if i perceives direct interaction with j,defined here min-- = dij, then catij = 1 . If, however, mini] is such that i-7 k-aj then catij = 2, and soon . We can see the meaning of the category matrix diagrammatically (Figure 1) .FIGURE 1 . Diagrammatic description of category matrix : catii = 0 ; cat ij = cat ik = catie = 1 ;catim = . . . .= cat ir = 2 .The element catij is the number of the row in the network which i places j upon . Increasing the rownumber implies a more complicated interaction pattern, or that j is "not so easy to communicate withdirectly ."We claim that it is precisely the number of this row which represents the reality of the social network,rather than the route used to get there . This is especially true of the second row : in Fig . 1 wehave drawn 14 ja p ; i_-?k--Pp . Now both routes place p in the second row, and we appear to have overlappingpossibilities for the actual interaction route . This does not matter ; in fact, in physical structuredgroups there is often more than a 2 to 1 overlap ratio in the second row . In other words, on average, thetotal number of elements in the first rows of each of i's first row is usually 2 or more times the numberof distinct elements, implying a great deal of overlapping as described . It is tempting to hypothesizethat such overlap is essential to the healthy functioning of groups .We hypothesize that each informant knows, and understands the structure of his own first row (i .e .,he "knows who he knows"), and has a very good (70%) knowledge of his second row (a subset of his firstrow's first row) . This knowledge deteriorates as we descend the rows, as would be anticipated : clearlyan informant will have little or no knowledge of the interaction structure of a subset of the group withwhom he has little interaction . However, he will have sufficient knowledge to know how that little interactiontakes place, and who among his first or second rows is necessary to this interaction .We must stress the important fact that a position in a given row is a measure not of amount ofperceived interaction, but the degree of directness of such interaction .After the catij matrix is derived, we factor it, using the varimax rotation, by rows . Experimentationshowed that the varimax rotation gives the most intuitively useful results . Stingily, people with at leasta 0 .6 factor loading are chosen for inclusion in a "group ." CATIJ Row 1 links are then used to show theties between groups (and their members with all other groups and their members) . "Groups" are defined aspeople who have similar views on their relationship to the universe . This may result because of cliqueingor not, and in general ethnographic evidence must be relied upon to decide the meaning of factors and groupmembership .In two publications (Bernard and Killworth, 1973 ; Killworth and Bernard, 1974b) we have tested thevalidity of the CATIJ technique . We found that CATIJ filters out random error in dij (i .e ., that the CATIJmatrix is reasonably stable to perturbations in the original data) . (Of course, the errors in raw sociometricdata are probably not random . So far, we have no way to deal with this .) Furthermore, we havefound that factoring the CATIJ matrix produces excellent results, while factoring a sociogram producesvery poor results (i .e ., low connectivity even within subgroups) . Factoring CATIJ has turned up subgroupingswhich were not discerned by standard sociometric tests . In one memorable case, we had analyzed aprison living unit and found a totally unintuitive factor group of 3 inmates who had no apparent sociallinks . This bothered us until we learned, a week later, that the three had attempted an escape together .

-109-We have compared the connectivity of entire populations (sociometric "universes") using both CATIJand limited choice sociograms . By the time we got to seven unreciprocated choices, the links in the sociogramapproached the complexity of our own diagrams produced by CATIJ . In fact, in one test there were morelinks in the unreciprocated 7-choice sociogram than in the CATIJ row 1 matrix . 16% of the CATIJ row 1links were missed, however, by the sociogram . These links were the ones which formed vital between-grouplinks (Killworth and Bernard, 1974b) . (See Granovetter, 1973 for a discussion of the importance of weakties in the structuring of groups .)Software for CATIJThe KBPAK is available from the authors . It is written in FORTRAN IV, and runs nicely on IBM equipment. There are four programs . ZERO checks for "illegal" entries, repeated entries, and, when 100% ofa group has given data, that everyone has been mentioned by each informant once and only once . Errors areprinted out so the data may be cleaned .Program ONE produces the CATIJ matrix, and prints dij, mini J•, and catij, mutual connections (i .e .,those persons who have mutual CATIJ row 1 connections), all row 1 connections, and the number of CATIJentries produced by dij entries . This last bit of data is peculiar . It specifies how many dij rankingswere required in order to produce the complete CATIJ matrix . We continue to produce this table because wehave no formula to determine the minimal number of rankings required to produce a CATIJ on a given sizedata set . Users are requested to send us this bit of data . Program ONE also punches a CATIJ deck . Intape version, a CATIJ deck pops out automatically, but may be suppressed .Program FIVE uses the CATIJ deck and produces general statistics on the CATIJ matrix . It shows howmany row 1 connections people have to and from others, and computes the mean, etc .Program TEN computes and prints the correlation matrix of CATIJ . The matrix if factored by rows,rather than by the usual columns (see Killworth and Bernard, 1974a for reasons for this procedure) .Program TEN prints out the correlation matrix, the eigenvalues and factor matrix, the suggested subgroups(using the stingy 0 .6 criterion), and a variety of other data concerning between-group-links, and so forth .Details of the output are in our users' manual (Killworth and Bernard, 1975) for CATIJ . A bank of morethan 100 data sets, collected for analysis by the CATIJ technique is also available (see Bernard, Killworth,and Kuznicki, 1975) .ReferencesActon, Forman, 1970 . Numerical Methods that Work . New York : Harper and Row .Bernard, H . Russell, and Peter D . Killworth . 1973 ."On the Social Structure of an Ocean Going Vessel andOther Important Things" Social Science Research 2(2) :145-84 .Bernard, H . Russell, and Peter D . Killworth . 1975 . "On the Structure of Affective and Effective SociometricRelations in a Closed Group Over Time ." Technical Report 4#BK-107-75 . Office of Naval Research,Code 452, Arlington, Virginia .Bernard, H . Russell, and Peter D . Killworth . 1977 . "Informant Accuracy in Social Network Data II ." HumanCommunication Research . 4(1) : 3-18 .Bernard, H . Russell, Peter D . Killworth, and Richard Kuznicki . 1975 . "KBDATA : A Bank of Effective SociometricData Sets ." Technical Report #BK-109-75 . Office of Naval Research, Code 452, Arlington,Virginia .Bernard, H . Russell, Peter D . Killworth, and Lee Sailer . 1978 . "Informant Accuracy in Social Network DataIV ." Technical Report #BK-116-78 . Office of Naval Research, Code 452, Arlington, Virginia .Granovetter, M .S . 1973 . "The Strength of Weak Ties ." American Journal of Sociology 79 :1360-80 .Killworth, Peter D ., and H . Russell Bernard . 1974a . "CATIJ : A New Sociometric and Its Application to aPrison Living Unit : Human Organization 33(4) :335-50 .Killworth, Peter D ., and H . Russell Bernard . 1974b "The CATIJ Technique : Some Descriptive Tests of ItsAdequacy ." Technical Report #BK-104-74 . Office of Naval Research, Code 452, Arlington, Virginia .Killworth, Peter D ., and H . Russell Bernard . 1975 "How to Use the KBPAK ." Technical Report #BK-106-75 .Office of Naval Research, Code 452, Arlington, Virginia .Killworth, Peter D ., and H . Russell Bernard . 1976 "Informant Accuracy in Social Network Data ." HumanOrganization 35(3) :269-86 .Killworth, Peter D ., and H . Russell Bernard, 1978 "Informant Accuracy in Social Network Data III ."Journal of Social Networks, in press .

ANU-MACRONET2 . A PROGRAM FOR COMPUTING SYMMETRIC ADJACENCY, REACHABILITY, DISTANCE AND POINT-CENTRALITYIN LARGE NETWORKS (N< 3000)D .W . Carrick, (Sociology, Research School, A .N .U .) and R .A . 0modei and A .S . KZovdahZ (Sociology, AustralianNational U .)ANU-MACRONET2 is an improvement on the previous version of MACRONET (Klovdahl and Omodei, 1978) . Ituses a new algorithm that makes it possible to compute reachability, distance and point-centrality (Freeman,1977) in networks with up to about 3,000 nodes (Carrick, Omodei, and Klovdahl, 1978) . The exact upperlimits of the program depend on the amount of core space available, and on the number of links relativeto the number of nodes in a network .For example, using 48K words of core on the ANU's UNIVAC 1100/42 a network of about 600 nodes and36,000 links (i .e . an average of 60 links per node) would take approximately 9 minutes (UNIVAC SUP time)to process ; a network of about 2,000 nodes and 20,000 links (10 per node) would take on the order of 22minutes ; and a network of about 2,800 nodes and 14,000 links (5 per node) would require about 24 minutes .(A procedure for estimating the time required for processing a particular network is provided in a moredetailed description of the program (Carrick, Omodei, and Klovdahl, 1978) .In this version of MACRONET there is also provision for a variety of input formats and output specifications. Measures of centrality, as noted, may also be obtained as part of the output .ANU-MACRONET2 is written in FORTRAN V .References :Carrick, D .W ., R .A . Omodei, and A .S . Klovdahl . ANU-MACRONET2 : A program for analyzing data from largenetworks (n< 3000) . Computer program description . Department of Sociology, Faculty of Arts, TheAustralian National University, Canberra, 1978 .Freeman, L .C . A set of measures of centrality based on betweeness . SOCIOMETRY, 1977, 40(1), 35-41 .Klovdahl, A .S . and R .A . Omodei . ANU-MACRONET : A set of programs for computing symmetric adjacency, reachability,and distance matrices for larger networks (n< 60) . CONNECTIONS, 1978, 1(2), 19 .ANU-R4NDNET . A PROGRAM FOR GENERATING MONTE CARLO SAMPLES OF NETWORKS .Alden S . KZovdahZ (Sociology, Arts, Australian National U .)This program makes it possible to take random samples from a constructed (population) network . Twobasic types of sampling are possible : "Independent random sampling", and "dependent random sampling" .In the former, nodes are selected independently of links that might connect them to other nodes . In thelatter, which may also be referred to as link-tracing, the selection of nodes (other than the first in asequence) is dependent on the linkages actually observed in a population .Once the sample selections have been made, by either method, the resulting data is converted intomatrix form for analysis using such network programs as MICRONET, MACRONET2, and/or MARKOV (Klovdahl andOmodei, 1978 ; Carrick, Omodei and Klovdahl, 1978 ; and, Thong and Klovdahl, 1978) .Ther results of a large number of samplings, of course, may then be used to evaluate the relativemerits of different approaches to network sampling .ANU-RANDET is written in FORTRAN VReferences :Carrick, D .W ., R .A . Omodei and A .S . Klovdahl . ANU-MACRONET2 : A program for computing symmetric adjacency,reachability, distance and point-centrality in large networks (n< 3000) . Computer program description .Department of Sociology, Faculty of Arts, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1978 .Klovdahl, A .S . and R .A . Omodei, ANU-MICRONET : A set of programs for computing symmetric adjacency, reachability,symmetric reachability and distance matrices for smaller networks (n< 85) . CONNECTIONS, 1978,1(2),19 .Thong, L .D . and A .S . Klovdahl, ANU-MARKOV : An interactive program for using Markov statistics to analyzenetwork data . Computer Program Description . Department of Sociology, Faculty of Arts, The AustralianNational University, Canberra, 1978 .

ANU-MARKOV . AN INTERACTIVE PROGRAM FOR USING MARKOV STATISTICS TO ANALYZE NETWORK DATA .L .D . Thong and A .S . KZovdahZ (Sociology, Arts, Australian National U .)Markov methods provide the means to answer important questions about networks (and other social phenomena). But, although these methods have previously been used to make inferences about networks (e .g . White,1959 ; Beshers and Laumann, 1967 ; Klovdahl, 1976), to date there has been little systematic effort to developthe programs (or packages) that would make Markov methods more readily accessible for network analysis .ANU-MARKOV is an attempt to facilitate the use of Markov statistics for analyzing network data . Thisprogram computes maximum likelihood estimates of transition probabilities from raw data, and then allowsfive relevant statistical tests to be carried out . More specifically, data believed to result from aMarkov process can be tested (a) for the specific values of the transition probabilities, (b) for stationarity,(c) for order and (d) for homogeneity (i .e . to ascertain whether or not data from multiple samples weregenerated by the same process) . In addition, there is a test for the possible relationship between twosets of different states . These tests were developed by Anderson and Goodman (1957) . Finally, the appropriatecorrections for (finite) sample size are also calculated (Sharp, 1975) .The limits of the program depend on the particular test involved . At present, chains of up to 11 statesmay be analyzed, the maximum order that can be tested is 3, and up to 50 transitions may be processed (inthe stationarity test) .The program is written in FORTRAN V .References :Anderson, T .W . and L .A . Goodman . Statistical inference about markov chains . ANNALS OF MATHEMATICAL STATISTICS, 1957, 28, 89-110 .Klovdahl, A .S . Networks in society : The random walk strategy . Working paper . Department of Sociology,Faculty of Arts, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1976 .Sharp, S .A . Corrections to likelihood ratio tests of hypotheses concerning the parameters of Markov chains .BIOMETRIKA, 1975, 62(3), 595-598 .White, H .C . Search parameters for the small world problem . SOCIAL FORCES, 1970, 49, 259-264 .SNAP -SOCIAL NETWORKS ANALYSIS PACKAGEClive Payne, David Deans and Clyde Mitchell (Nuffield College, Oxford)Greg Heil provided a useful review of the final specification for SNAP in Connections Vol II - No . 1but we would like to point out that there appears to be a slight misunderstanding . As yet the package hasnot been implemented . The specification represents the results of only the first stage of the projectand we can only proceed to the second stage of full implementation if we can demonstrate to our sponsorsthat there is sufficient demand for the package . Accordingly readers of Connections are cordially invitedto send for a copy of the final specification . We would be most grateful to receive indications of supportfor the further work on the package . Furthermore, this way of proceeding with package development givespotential users the opportunity to suggest extensions and improvements to be incorporated in the finalversion of the package .

ABSTRACTSABRAMS, Philip (Sociology, Durham) . "Urban Collapse : Notes on the Non-Urban Nature of an Urban Phenomenon ."Paper presented at the '7lrban Change and Conflict Conference" Nottingham, Jan . 1979 .The revolution in urban sociology that has occurred in the last ten years has not yet been radicalenough . Specifically, the powerful arguments of Castells and others concerning the inadequacy of the 'urban'as either a scientific or a real object of analysis have seldom been taken to their logical empirical ortheoretical conclusions . Rather, in the face of a general consensus that the concept of an autonomous urbanrealm is now discredited, urban historians and sociologists (among them Castells himself) have persistentlydeclined to jettison the 'urban' and have sought rather to reconstitute it . In effect, the tendency ofrecent research has been to attempt to rescue an 'urban problematic' from the plainly demonstrated mystificationwhich all earlier attempts to study towns in terms of such a problematic have plainly involved .In this paper it is urged that the combination of theoretical formalism and naive empiricism which hassustained the focus on the town should finally be abandoned ; a thoroughgoing attempt to unmask the urbanis called for, taking seriously the platitude that 'urban problems are problems in towns not problems oftowns' and recognizing that the socio-spatial organization of life chances is an inclusive process of totalsocial systems . This means that the relevant analytical net must be cast both more widely and constructedin terms of novel categories . It is argued that town and non-town need to be studied jointly and in interactionas manifestations of inclusive social processes which in important respects remain obscure if notinvisible within any sort of exclusively urban problematic . And that the appropriate object of study withinwhich urban phenomena should be absorbed is the 'complex of domination' . The notion of the complex ofdomination as a possible scientific object for erstwhile urban sociologists is examined . By comparisonwith strategies centres on conceptions of collective-consumption, finance-capitalism, reproduction oflabour power, estatism (whether involving absolute or relative autonomy of the state), social movementsor managerial distribution, it is suggested that analysis in these terms can achieve at once an appropriatelevel of generality and appropriate specification to types and cases in terms of theoretically varied modesin which complexes of domination may be realised .It is argued that the non-urban sociology of the complex of domination can account for relevanturban manifestations, structures, movements, conflicts, problems and so forth in ways which more narrowlyurban strategies of explanation can not .Beniger, James R ., Wesley Shrwn, Thomas Ash, Jerome M . Lutin (Princeton U .) . "Designing a Survey ofInformation and Favor Exchange Networks Among Regional, State, County and Municipal Levels of Government"Paper to be presented to the Annual Meetings of the American Statistical Association, Washington, D .C .,August 13-16, 1979 .This paper describes the design of a personal interview survey of 113 officials at various governmentallevels in New Jersey to determine interpersonal networks of information and favor exchange thatcharacterize interorganizational management, specifically planning of transportation in coastal zone areas .Sampling was from 43 governmental units, including two regional bodies, five state departments, and 16county, 11 township and nine municipal planning boards . In addition to background, attitudinal and personalpriority questions (yielding 313 variables), respondents were asked to identify contacts with 76governmental units and 29 individuals previously judged to be central to the planning process . Respondentswere also requested to list by name other contacts in each agency, and to specify whether : (1) contactwas by letter, telephone and/or in person ; (2) occurred once, several or many times ; (3) flow to or fromthe respondent ; (5) produced a relationship judged "smooth" or "not smooth" ; and (6) incurred a personalfavor earned or owed . Data were obtained on a grand total of 4,710 contacts, a mean of 41 .7 per respondent .BICK. Wolfgang and Paul J . MuZZer (Koln) . "The Representation of Everyday Life Within Urban Bureaucracies ."Paper prepared for the 9th World Congress of Sociology, Uppsala . August, 1978 .Everyday life is increasingly reflected in administrative bookkeeping systems . This situatioU is theconsequence of the enlargement of municipal functions and the creation of urban and regional informationsystems within the overall development of the welfare state . The scope of administrative functions isbecoming more and more diverse . At the same time more people have become clients of a broad range offormal organizations . The penetration of society through a network of formal organizations has Increasedconsiderably .For the bureaucratic handling of these administrative functions, problems that might be regarded asdiffuse in everyday life, must be translated into functionally specific terms . As a result of functional

specialization within urban bureaucracies this translation almost always implies the reduction of privatecontingencies into causal models underlying the decision programs of formal organizations . This reductionprocess leads to a highly selective and biased representation of everyday life . Everyday life is not justneutrally translated but transformed into administrative categories .In the paper we first analyze the application forms for compiling person-related data which are usedin the local setting of Cologne . The guiding research questions are : How selectively, how fragmentarilyare the characteristics of the clients entered into the records of formal organizations? To what extentare the social environments (e .g . family, household, friends) of the clients represented?Section 2 deals with the analysis of the interorganizational network of information exchange in an urbansetting . We applied network analysis to show how urban bureaucracies exchange information through directcommunication or other forms of interorganizational linkages .In section 3 we analyse whether the selectivity of representation within single offices can be overcomeby interlocking bookkeeping systems . Perceiving administration as a system we identify the holes withinadministrative bookkeeping that are consequences of blocking out certain aspects of everyday life .The last part describes our observation of the interaction between clients and bureaucracies . Weconsider the extent to which personal connotations are brought into the process of "skeletonizing" peoples'problems . Thus we attempt to demonstrate the differences between administrative view points implicit intheir problem solving processes, on the one hand, and peoples' ways of thinking about their own situation,on the other . Furtheron we asked the clients how they evaluated the information collection process . Towhat extent can people accept the skeletonizing process within administration data collection?BICK, Wolfgang and Paul J . MULLER (KoZn) . "Stable Patterns Within a Network of Urban Bureaucracies : Domainsor Positions?" Paper prepared for the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco,Sept . 1978 .The paper focusses on the kind of problem-solving possible within a network of urban bureaucracies asprovided for within work related patterns of cooperation and integration .Based on the communication between all 64 municipal offices in the city of Nuremberg, the regularizedpattern of work related daily interactions among municipal offices is described as the persistent patternof interorganizational cooperation in a mandated setting . The underlying dimensions of structural differentiation- integration and sectoral differentiation - are identified by means of multi-dimensional scaling .Sectoral differentiation however does not explain the existence of zones of dense interaction, i .e . domainsof municipal authorities . The conditions under which sectoral differentiation correspond to a complementarityof functions are analyzed using social network analysis .Finally - in a positional analysis - the interaction between structural differentiation and functionalspecialization is investigated . The positional analysis concludes that offices in an administrative domainoccupy unique positions in the overall network which do not interact . Separated and self-contained fieldsof problem-solving within the persistent pattern of work related cooperation can therefore be ascertained .Two fields - the "people processing" and the "object processing" domains - are comprised out of a numberof interacting agencies, other problems are solved by single offices alone . As these different fields ofproblem-solving do not interact, the administrative system, being confronted with a problem that does notfit into the established framework of problem-solving, must handle this problem either by defining it asa non-problem or by dividing it into parts which are then solved separately : Problems are therefore definedby their solutions .These structural properties of administrative problem-solving are also described in terms of theirinterrelationships in a multilevel community network .BODEMANN, Y .M. (Toronto) Farnilismo y patronazgo como siste as de poder local en Cerdena .de SocioZogia 11 (April 1979), BarcelonaPapers : RevistaWhat the sociology and anthropology of Mediterranean hinterlands often depicts as varieties of patronagesystems of individualised power brokers is viewed here as the local elite . With the establishment of acapitalist state in Italy, a local elite appears in Central Sardinia with these basic characteristics :1. It is a cluster of affinal and cognatic kin and is tied to the local community by kinship .2 . Some of its members are personally linked to such state institutions as the judiciary or the Church andas such personify the state in the community .3 . The local elite monopolises access to all important state institutions .Both the old local elite which arose in the last quarter of the 19th century and survived into fascism andthe new local elite which emerges in the mid-sixties function as important agents of the economic transformationscharacteristic of their historical period . The old elite operates in a system of regionalnotables ; the new elite are petit-bourgeois, "junior members" of the capitalist class .

This analysis is based upon Franco Cagnetta's data of a pre-WW I blood feud in Orgosolo, the author'sfield work in a neighbouring community, and it makes critical use of Alex Weingrod's discussion of Sardicpartronage .BONACICH, Phillip . 1977 . "Using Boolean Algebra to Analyze Overlapping Memberships ." pp . 101-115 inSociological Methodology 1978, edited by Karl F . SchuessZer . San Francisco : Jossey-Bass .This paper proposes more advanced techniques for studying interlocking directorates, especially a newtechnique based on homomorphisms in Boolean algebra . "The simplifying homomorphism involves forming classesof groups that contain the same combination of core individuals . The output is an algebra giving relationsbetween these classes of groups . However, a classification of people based on similarity of their membershippatterns may also be desired . The same procedures described previously to classify groups according totheir members can also be used to classify people according to their membership ." Comparisons with othertechniques (Levine, Bonacich 1972, Breiger, Sonquist and Koenig) are made . "The technique described inthis chapter is distinctive in that it not only clusters individuals and groups but also preserves thehierarchial relations existing between them ."BRETON, Raymond (Toronto) . "Stratification and Conflict between Ethnolinguistic Communities with DifferentSocial Structures ." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 15 (2) ( , 1978) : 148-"A critical dimension of ethnic differentiation has to do with the extent to which the ethnic communitieshave parallel social networks and institutions . This dimension has to do with the character of the socialand institutional boundaries between groups . We will refer to the two aspects in question as the degreeof social enclosure and of compartmentalization that exists between ethnic communities" . (extract from paper)COLEMAN, James and Anthony BABINEC (Chicago) . "The Corporate Structure of the Economy and its Effects onIncome ." Zeitschriftfur Soziologie 7(4), (October, 1978) : 335-46 .Transactions in the economy are conceived as exchanges in which the terms of the exchange depend onrelative power of the two parties to it . An indicator of that power is industry concentration (or inthe case of labor, unionization) . Effects of the factors are estimated for the U .S . economy, and a procedureis outlined for comparing the terms of exchange to those in a wholly unconcentrated economy .This allows, in conjunction with an input-output matrix, the comparing of the level of activities and distributionof income in the economy with that which would be found in a wholly unconcentrated economy . Theprocedure for doing this is outlined, but further work remains before the comparison can be carried out .DIEKMANN, Andreas (Hamburg) "A Dynamic Stochastic Version of the Pitcher-Hamblin-Miller Model of 'CollectiveViolence 'Paper presented at a conference on "Mathematical Models of Social Change", Bad Homburg, WestGermany, March 1979 .The deterministic diffusion model of Pitcher, Hamblin, and Miller (1978) is formulated as a timeinhomogenousstochastic process . It will be shown that the stochastic process leads to a negative binomialdistribution . The deterministic diffusion function can be derived from the stochastic model and isidentical to the expected value asterms of the underlying stochasticdistribution for any point in timeobservations .a function of time . Therefore the deterministic model is supported inprocess . Moreover the stochastic model allows the prediction of theand the construction of confidence intervals for a large number ofFIORAVANTI-MOLINIE, Antoinette . "La Communaute Aujourd'hui ." AnnaZes 33 (. pt .-Dec . 1978) : 1182-96 ."Community", the term most often used to characterize contemporary Andean societies, is much tooreductive to be useful . It denies the ethnic nature of these societies and their original features, forit suggests a social structure without internal fragmentation, whereas actually an Andean group oftenconsists of a heterogenous ensemble of parental, residential, and religious units . Moreover, these groupsare differentiated on the economic and social level as well . Finally, the term totally ignores history .Historical study makes it possible to distinguish, within the Andean world, three types of society(beyond those which live as ethnic groups) . These are illustrated in the present article by three examples .San Juan Uchucuanicu (Chancay Valley, Peru) represents the archetype of the "community" in which the indigenousstrain predominates . Its equalitariarism is evident in the distribution of land and water, in theorganization of work, in a way of organizing work which is based on kinship, and in its political organization. But the development of salaried work and the sale of fruit at Lima generates inequalities whichcould threaten to upset its equilibrium . Ambana (Larecaja, Bolivia) is representative of those societieswhich function on the basis of social, territorial, and residential units established at the beginning ofthe colonial period . Its system of landholdings can be reconstructed only if one considers it in the

context of the colonial reduccibn . But Ambaba gradually split up into various social strata in the courseof the XIXth century . This is also the case of Yucay, which is illustrative of those societies that becomeincreasingly divided into social classes with the adoption of a merchant economy . All the same, its ritualsrecall the period when it was organized as a reduccibn .The simultaneous existence of these three examples should bring to light some aspects of the evolutionof Andean societies .CAZENA VE, Noel A . (Temple U .) and Murray A . STRAUS (U . of New Hampshire) "Race, Class, Network Embeddednessand Family Violence : A Search for Potent Support Systems ." To be published in Journal of Comparative FamilyStudies .An attempt was made to identify locality and family-kin networks which reduce the level of familyviolence attitudes and behavior . A sub-sample of 147 Black and 427 white respondents from a nationallyrepresentative sample of 2,143 families were analyzed . Overall Black respondents were more likely to approveof family violence and to have engaged in spousal violence, but less likely to report having slapped orspanked a child within the last year and to have engaged in sibling violence and violence directed againstparents . There were no major differences in Black-white rates of child abuse . However, when income wascontrolled, Black respondents were less likely to have engaged in spousal violence at all income levels,except the $6,000-$11,999 range . Embeddedness in locality and family-kin networks appear to have had anameliorative effect on family violence . The number of years in the neighborhood and the total number ofchildren were both associated with lower levels of family violence and worked most effectively for Blackrespondents . While the number of non-nuclear family adults living in the respondent's household wasassociated with higher levels of spousal violence for whites, it was associated with lower levels for Blackrespondents . It was concluded that although social network embeddedness may act as a violence controlsystem for respondents of all races and classes, these variables do play a decisive role in determiningtheir intensity, direction, and effectiveness in reducing family violence .There is a growing body of literature which suggests that social isolation is a crucial factorassociated with severe forms of family violence . In fact, Garbarino (1977) concludes that social isolationis the most important necessary condition for child maltreatment to occur .Most of these assertions, however, are based on case studies of abusing families . Professionals whowork with severe cases of family violence report that many such families are isolated from social contactswho can provide advice and assistance in child rearing and dealing with marital problems, and who canintervene when things get out of hand . However, that is also true of a great many other American families .Although there is much speculation one does not know from the research published to date if families inwhich child and spousal abuse occur are any more isolated from a network of a socially supportive communityand kin than are other families . The data to be reported in this paper should make an important contributiontowards answering that question .At a more practical level we are concerned with the identification of social networks which reduce thelevel of family violence . If the involvement of a family in potent "support systems" (Caplan, 1974) doesreduce family violence, this has important implications for social workers and social policy makers alike .GODELIER, Maurice . "Infrastructures, Societies, and History ." Current Anthropology 19 (Dec . 1978) : 763-68 .The paper deals with the so-called problem of the dominance of superstructures-kinship, religion,politics-and supports the view that kinship or religion dominates social organization and the thought ofsocial actors when it functions as relations of production and as a framework for material action uponnature . Consequently, it becomes impossible to oppose the dominance of kinship, religion, or politics tothe hypothesis that everything is ultimately determined by economic relationships . But this is only trueif one can see in the distinction between infrastructures and superstructures a distinction of functionsand not of institutions as most Marxists and non-Marxists usually do . A society has no top and no bottom,no levels, and the distinction between infrastructure, superstructures, and ideology has nothing to dowith the various layers of a cake . Furthermore, "productive forces" include both the intellectual and thematerial capacities of men to act upon nature and therefore include an ideel and ideological component .The paper deals with ideology and its role in forming and maintaining dominance relationships (betweensexes, castes, classes, etc .) . When defining those representations which could be classified as ideological,one cannot content oneself with formal criteria alone, with the opposition between "true" and "false" ideas .Nor can one rely only on functional criteria, which classify as ideological the representations which serveto "legitimize" the dominance and exploitation of man by man . In every social relationship there areideel elements, which are not reflexions after the fact, but an integral part of the relationship and areason for its existence .Finally, every theory of ideology presupposes a theory of the formation of dominance relationships-ofone sex over the other, of one caste or class over the others . The task remains of analyzing the role ofviolence and consent in this formative process . The consent of the dominated to their own domination rests

on the fact that they and those who dominate them share the same conceptions . The question, however, remains :In what circumstances and for what reasons are these conceptions shared, and when and why does the dominancerelationship appear as an exchange of "services"?GOTTLIEB, Benjamin H . (Guelph) and David M. TODD (Massachusetts-Amherst) . "Social Support in NaturalSettings ." In Research in Social Contexts : Bringing AboutChange . ed. b y R . Munoz, L . Snowden and J . Kelly .San Francisco : Jossey-Bass, forthcoming .HECHTER, Michael (U . of Washington) . "Group Formation and the Cultural Division of Labor ."Journal ofSociology 84 (Sept . 1978) : 293-318 .AmericanA structural theory of the relationship between class and status group formation is presented . Theapproach postulates, first, that differences in the solidarity of any objectively defined groups areindependently determined by the extent of stratification among these groups and interaction within them .These expectations are confirmed by an analysis of variation in the solidarity of 17 American ethnic groupsin 1970 . Second, the relative importance of class as against status group divisions in societies as awhole is held to depend upon the degree of hierarchy and segmentation of their respective cultural divisionsof labor . Supportive evidence is found in the examination of differences in the strength of class votingamong five Australian states in 1964 .HILTZ, Starr Roxanne (UpsaZa College, New Jersey) . "The Human Element in Computerized Conferencing Systems ."Computer Networks 2 (1978) : 421-8 .Three facets of ongoing field trials providing scientific research communities with the use of acomputerized conferencing system are described . 1 . The designed capabilities of the hardware and softwarethat comprise EIES (Electronic Information Exchange System) . 2 . The research design for assessing theimpact of this system upon its users . 3 . Some initial findings about the human roles in the system andhuman reactions to this form of communication, based upon observations of six groups of users during thepilot period .KAHN, Robert L . (U . Michigan) . "Aging and Social Support ." Paper presented at the annual meeting of theAmerican Association for the Advancement of Science . 1978 ."The research which is discussed in this chapter represents two efforts to contribute to ecologicallyvalidtheory and knowledge about social support in natural contexts . First, Gottlieb provides an accountof research on the kinds of resources which are exchanged in primary group helping relationships . Then,Todd discusses research on structural features of social networks, and their interaction with individualcharacteristics, as they affect social support . While these projects have not involved a direct collaborationbetween the authors, they do reflect shared assumptions not only about the importance of informalsocial support, but also about the process of developing theory and knowledge . Our methods have beennaturalistic, involving intensive and direct interactions with the people and settings we wish to understand .Gottlieb has used individual interviews, while Todd and his associates have developed a workshop formatwhich involves network analysis and peer group discussion . These are methods which allow dialogue and theexploration of the personal and social contexts in which social support occurs . The use of such methodsis especially justified by the uncharted nature of the territory, but it also reflects a value for collaborativemodes of inquiry . We each view our research as a partnership with persons who are native to the culturewe are studying . While this partnership opens the research to a wide variety of influences from the setting,it also gives us the opportunity to take part in the self-assessment and problem-solving efforts of theparticipants . Under these conditions, the research process itself can contribute to the development ofnatural support systems . We address these issues in terms of our respective research efforts, and thencomment on further implications of the similarities and differences in our work ." (adapted from the introduction)"My colleagues and I have for some years been engaged in a program of research on the effects of theimmediate social environment on health, especially mental health . Several aspects of this research seemrelevant to the issues of aging : (1) the relations of role characteristics, especially properties ofthe work role, to individual well-being ; (2) the refinement of those relationships in terms of personenvironmentfit, that is, goodness of fit between the needs and abilities of the individual on the onehand and, on the other, the supplies and demands of the environment as expressed in role expectations andprerequisites ; (3) the importance of socialsupport, both as a direct determinant of well-being and abuffer against the effects of stressful events ."In this paper I (1) offer some examples of research findings in each of the areas cited above thatseem relevant for aging ; (2) propose a way of integrating these findings in terms of the concept of theconvoy of social support ; (3) state as hypotheses some relationships between age, convoy of social support ;(3) state as hypotheses some relationships between age, convoy characteristics, and well-being .

"The key concept that we propose for studying the process of aging and other life-span changes is theconvoy . By choosing this metaphorical term we imply that each person can be thought of as moving throughthe life cycle surrounded by a set of significant other people to whom that person is related by the givingor receiving of social support . An individual's convoy at any point in time thus consists of the set ofpersons on whom he or she relies for support and those who rely on him or her for support . These twosubsets may overlap, of course ; there are relationships in which one both gives and receives support,although all relationships are not symmetrical in this sense .`The implications of this conceptual approach can be summarized in terms of three general propositions,each of which identifies a category of more specific hypotheses : (1) The adequacy of social support is adeterminant of individual well-being, of performance in the major social roles, and of success in managinglife-changes and transitions . (2) The formal properties of a person's convoy determine the adequacy of thesocial support that person receives and has the opportunity to give . (3) Demographic and situationalvariables -- age, sex, race, residence, and the like -- in turn determine the formal properties of a person'sconvoy .`i In combination, these three hypotheses define a straightforward causal sequence - from demographiccharacteristics to the structure of the convoy, from convoy structure to the qualitative and quantitativeadequacy of social support, and from the adequacy of social support to individual well-being or lack of it .A fourth hypothesis involves the buffering effect of social support" . (adapted from paper) .KANDEL, Denise B . (N .Y . State Psychiatric Inst) . "Homophily, Selection, and Socialization in AdolescentFriendships ." American Journalof Sociology 84 (Sept . 1978) : 427-36 .Longitudinal sociometric data on adolescent friendship pairs, friends-to-be, and former friends areexamined to assess levels of homophily on four attributes (frequency of current marijuana use, level ofeducational aspirations, political orientation, and participation in minor delinquency) at various stagesof friendship formation and dissolution . In addition, estimates are developed of the extent to which observedhomophily in friendship dyads results from a process of selection (assortative pairing), in whichsimilarity precedes association and the extent to which it results from a process of socialization in whichassociation leads to similarity . The implications of the results for interpreting estimates of peer influencederived from cross-sectional data are discussed .LEE, Richard B . (U . Toronto) . "Politics, Sexual and Non-Sexual in an Egalitarian Society ." Social ScienceInformation 17 (6) (1978) : 871-95 .The modest purpose of this paper is to examine male-female relations and the problem of equality andinequality in general in hunter-gatherer societies, by using data on the !Kung San as an illustrativestarting point . Three groups of problems are addressed : 1) By what kinds of criteria - economic, social,ideological - can we evaluate the equality of the sexes or lack of it among the !Kung, so that the resultscan be cross-culturally applicable? How representative are the !Kung of other hunter-gatherers? 2) Whatforms of leadership exists in !Kung society, and how do the people handle the apparent paradox of leadershipfollowershipin an egalitarian society? 3) How does the equality in the political sphere correspond to therelations of production in the economic sphere and what are the key contradications between and within thesespheres that give to !Kung society a dynamic quality? In answering these questions the area of male-femalerelations is addressed first, followed by an ethnography of !Kung leadership in the foraging and sedentarycontexts and finally the questions of relations of production and their contradictions are considered .(excerpt from paper) .LONG, J . Scott (Washington State U.) . "Productivity and Academic Position in the Scientific Career ."American Sociological Review 43 (Dec . 1978) : 889-908 .This paper examines the interrelationship between scientific productivity and academic position, twokey dimensions of the scientific career . Contrary to the results of most earlier studies, the effect ofdepartmental location on productivity is found to be strong, whereas the effect of productivity on theallocation of positions is found to be weak . Productivity, as indicated by measures of publications andcitations, is shown to have an insignificant effect on both the prestige of a scientist's initial academicapointment and on the outcome of institution changes later in the career . Although the relationshipbetween productivity and the prestige of an academic apointment is insignificant at the time a position isobtained, the effect of departmental prestige on productivity increases steadily with time . For thosescientists who change institutions, the prestige of the new department significantly affects changes in ascientist's productivity after the move . It is argued that past studies have obtained spurious resultsdue to their failure to employ a longitudinal design . Not only do cross-sectional designs provide misleadingresults regarding the interrelationship between departmental location and productivity, but theyalso systematically alter the findings regarding the effects of sponsorship and doctoral training on productivity.

NEWBY, Howard (Sociology, Essex) "Urbanization and the Rural Class Structure : A Case Study" (Paper presentedat a conference on "Urban Change and Conflict", Nottingham, Jan . 1979 .The major effect of urbanisation in the countryside has been to transform rural England into a predominantlymiddle-class territory . The policies which systematically disadvantage the rural poor can now,therefore, be assured of local democratic support . This suggests that striking improvement in the relativeliving standard of the rural poor will in the future - as in the past - be brought about by changes initiatednationally rather than locally, through the trickling down into rural areas of reforms and innovations introducedon a universalistic basis . While there is a paradox in the growing polarisation of rural societybeing accompanied by the increasing identification between farmers and farm workers, in many respects thenewcomers have provided the wherewithal for both of these processes . Estranged from the alien newcomersfarm wore-ers have increasingly recognised a common identity with farmers as fellow 'locals' . However, thefarm workers, together with others among the deprived rural population, are often entirely unaware that,miles away in the council chamber, representatives of both the farmers' and the newcomers' interests arebusy agreeing upon political policies which are to their detriment .OSTOW, Robin (Brandeis and Toronto) . "Kinship, Connectedness and Labour Migration : The Case of RuralSardinia ." Unpublished paper .This study, part of a larger monograph on post-war emigration from a small agro-pastoral communityof 1,500 inhabitants in central Sardinia, discusses (1) the role of kinship in generating an emigrant pool ;(2) kin relations in the new environment over time ; (3) kin ties of the few migrants who are upwardlymobile ; and (4) ties of migrants to kin who remain in the village .First, all migrants were identified with patrilineal kin groups . Over 200 migrants were interviewedin depth . Second, non-migrants were interviewed informally about their relationships with emigrated kin .Finally, ties among emigrants abroad were analysed ; particularly in four areas : Charleroi (Belgium), Milanand its suburbs, Munich and environs, and the Turin area .Although emigration includes members of almost every kin group, migrants tend to come from largenuclear families in smaller kin groups which have few ties to other groups, and very distant ties, if any,to the more successful groups . Within kin groups, emigration is concentrated in certain nuclear families,often the larger ones . Most emigrants were "sponsored" by kin already living abroad, siblings, parents,children, first cousins, uncles, and brothers-in-law . The earliest wave of migration (to Belgium) had thehighest rate of kin sponsorship and the largest proportion from very small, landless kin groups . Latermigrations tended to involve marginal members of more central groups .Upward mobility seemed to occur where (1) individuals formed exploitative ties to semi-distant kin,while keeping close relatives at a distance ; (2) members of a nuclear family separated themselves geographicallyfrom the community of emigrated paesani and cooperated with each other on an egalitarian basis ;and (3) an individual minimised ties to all kin in the area and 'went it alone' .Thus, kin ties appear most active where they serve to organise resources, e .g . in settling migrantsfinding them marriage partners, and articulating their relationship to the property system or opportunitystructure . Emigration relieves the pressure on the resources of poorer nuclear families and kin groupsby opening up alternative careers and sources of income . However, it also alienates migrants from theircommunity, and reduces the connectedness of kin who remain at home .PARRET, HERMAN (Belgian National Science Foundation and NIAS) . "Structuralism : A Methodology or an Ideology?"AZgemeen NederlandsTijdschriftvoor Wijsbegeerte 68(1976) : 99-110 ."The topic of the present paper (asks) : is structuralism a methodology or an ideology? The questionwill be treated in three parts : 1 . what is meant by structure, apparently the key concept of this doctrine?2 . what are the philosophical connotations which involve the central position of this concept? 3 . how canmethodological and ideological aspects of structuralism be reconciled, and is it the case that ideologynecessarily results from methodology?" (excerpt from paper) .ROBERTS, Bryan (Sociology, Manchester) "Mobility of Labour, the Industrial Economy and State Provision ."Paper presented at a conference on "Urban Change and Conflict", Nottingham, Jan . 1979 .The focus of this paper is the extent to which industrialisation entails a convergent process which,through the concentration of industry in large, urban agglomerations, leads to similar patterns of classconflict . A major factor in this convergence is often seen to be the contradictions arising from the needfor a massive state intervention to provide the social and economic infrastructure appropriate to theexpansion of industrial capital . In contrast, I suggest that a considerable variation is possible in theorganisation of the industrial economy and in the extent and nature of state intervention . Likewise, thisvariation is associated with differences in the pattern of class conflict and of economic expansion . .

The suggestion is, then, that the development of collective services is not only a means of ensuring thereproduction of collective services and of providing the infrastructural needs of large firms in face ofthe increasing spatial and technological complexity of the modern capitalist economy . The significanceof collective services also lies in the specific problems of labour management posed by different types ofindustrial economy . I argue that the geographical mobility of labour, influences the private and publicprovision of collective services in the industrial economy . This issue is partly that of analysing theindividual characteristics of migrants and their likely demand for collective services . This demand islikely to depend, for example, on access to alternative sources of security and material support, such askinship networks, ethnic or religious identify . More basically, I explore the relationship between thesystem of labour mobility, the problem of labour management it entails and the type of collective servicesthat prevail in the city .I will organise the subsequent argument by using the Manchester case as a means to understanding thepolitical and social implications of an industrial economy that is based on stabilised labour . In contrast,Barcelona is a city whose economy has, for over a hundred years, been based on continuous migration flows .In both cases, the state did not intervene directly in the development of the industrial economy until thecontemporary period . The Latin American type of industrial economy that I will discuss is similar in somerespects to that of Barcelona, but I will focus on areas in which the rural hinterland and rural-urbaninterrelationships are of greater relevance to the development of the industrial economy than is the casein contemporary Catalonia .The situations that are explored serve to illustrate tendencies in the pattern of urbanisation . Theimportant point is that issues such as the organisation of production, labour mobility and the provision ofcollective services should not be treated in isolation either from each other or from the overall organisationof an area's economy . This economy will change over time, through the specific outcome of classstruggles leading to new differences in labour mobility and collective provision . Thus, within the samegeneral and apparently convergent process - that of industrialisation - there are important variations inthe way in which the industrial economy is organised . These variations affect class struggles and the levelof collective provision, but they are also explained, in part, by the prior history of agrarian transformationand state policy . It is not, then, the general characteristics of industrial capitalism that areimportant for understanding the provision of collective services ; it is rather the political economy ofindustrialisation in a specific society .SAIGNES, Thierry . "De Za Filiation a la Residence : Les Ethnies dans Zes VaZZees de Larecaja ." Annales 33(Sept . -Dec . 1978) : 1160-81 .Under the Iberic domination, the Indian peasants who immigrated to Larecaja (mitimaes) were obligedto chose their allegiance : they could either remain under the jurisdiction of their caciques from theuplands or take up residence definitively in the valleys . The present article seeks, on the basis of aconsideration of the interests of the colonial power (access to manpower), to explain these choices byanalyzing the modes of control exercized on the eastern slope : ethnic settlers, who were delegated bygroups dwelling on the banks of Lake Titicaca and who were subject to the state authority (they wereplaced by the Inca) made up the population of newcomers who descended into the valleys during the disordersfollowing the conquest .While certain mitimaes succeeded in harmonizing their vertical loyalty with their new horizontalallegiances, the majority had to give up their double residence . They gradually become mixed with the massof foreigners and Indian workers who flocked to Larecaja in order to move into the reducciones andhaciendas .SHAPIRO, Dan (Lancaster) "Industrial Relations in the Wilderness : Working for North Sea Oil ." Paperpresented at a conference on "Urban Change and Conflict", Nottingham, England, Jan 1979 .I have tried to show that there is some value in approaching the industrial relations of oil in theNorth of Scotland via the notion of 'dependency' ; that doing so highlights specific features which theyhave in common and which are related to their particular environment and peripheral status . However, Ithink I have also shown that - in this context at least - there is no such thing as 'dependent industrialrelations' . This is certainly the case if the notion of dependency is promoted as a rival dimension ofdominance and subordination . For the elements out of which this dependency in industrial relations iscomposed are not analytically distinct from those of industrial relations elsewhere . These structuraland ideological elements of ascriptively based power and non-market coercion occur - with greater orlesser effect - in all work situations . So, for example, the position of garment workers, particularlywomen and especially immigrant women, is not very different from that of workers offshore . The positionof workers in inner cities may be much the same as that of oil and construction workers at Kishorn, Scotland- a point nicely illustrated by the fact that the Kishorn employer, John Howard Construction, had used theidentical tactic of remanning to break a strike in Liverpool a few years previously . And the ideologicalpressures from state and union no doubt feel much the same to workers at Nigg and engine tuners at Cowley .

- 120 -SMITH, Christopher J . (Oklahoma) . "Self-Help and Social Networks in the Urban Community ." Ekistics 268(March-April, 1978) : 106-225 .This paper recommends an alternative orientation for geographers, anthropologists, sociologists andothers interested in applied social and urban issues . Instead of studying problems, particularly theirincidence and their spatial distribution, it suggests that at least some emphasis be placed on nonproblembehavior, and on the positive helping that occurs daily in a multitude of self-help groups and lay socialnetworks within the urban community . To illustrate the importance and the functioning of social networks,one group of urban dwellers, recent rural-to-urban migrants, was selected for a conceptual case study . Inadapting to city living, migrants face unusually severe problems . They must quickly establish a network ofsupportive people, service, goods, and information - to draw upon in times of need . Migration is just oneurban situation to which a study of social networks can be applied . Although urban analysts will be arrivingsomewhat late on the social networks scene, many research questions remain unanswered, for example : Whohelps and who is helped? How is information circulated from those who are providing to those who are inneed? Where do the helpers and the helpees live in relation to one another? How do distance, relativelocation, and migration affect the operation of the helping network and the overall strength and cohesivenessof ties?Unhappily, in spite of all the research conducted on social problems, relatively little is known aboutwhy they occur and why they occur where they do . We have little to lose, therefore, by recommending thatsome within our ranks begin to ask why problems do not occur in certain places . Geographers will probablycontinue to map the distribution of social problems occurring in urban communities . Unfortunately, theirresearch efforts too often stop there, perhaps, at best, with a recommendation that help, or more oftenmoney and other tangible resources, should be channeled into the problem-rich, service-poor neighbourhoodsof the city . Too often such deterministic spatial planning fails because we know very little about thebehaviors of people experiencing problems on a day to day basis, and about the way they search out and usethe naturally occurring helping networks within their community . This paper suggests some avenues thatresearchers might travel along in the search for such knowledge (excerpts from paper) .SORENSEN, Aage B . (Sociology, Oslo and Wisconsin-Madison) "Career Patterns and Job Mobility" Paper presentedat a conference on "Mathematical Models of Social Change" Bad Hamburg ., West Germany, March, 1979 .This paper has attempted to investigate a measure of the opportunities for gains in attainment providedby the vacancy competition model of the attainment process . Black white comparison was used to validatethis measure . The vacancy competition model provides predictions both for the dependence of the rate ofjob mobility on time in the labor force and for the dependency of the rates on the discrepancy betweenpersonal resources and current attainment levels . In both instances the main parameter of interest in theempirical analysis is the measure of the opportunity structure suggested by the model .The investigation of the relation between time in the labor force and the rate of moves did notprovide support for the theory . However, rather than attributing this to a fundamental defect of the theory,it was argued that the presence of irregular careers not accounted for by the theory makes time in thelabor force a poor measure of the forces that generate job mobility in the vacancy competition model . Adirect investigation of these forces justifies this argument . The dependence of the rate of upward moveson the resources of persons and their attainment level provided clear support for the existence of theunequal opportunity structures for blacks and whites as measured by the parameter b of the vacancy competititionmodel . The opportunities for upward moves are more constrained by the current attainment level forblacks than it is for whites . Also, it was found that blacks have higher risks of demotions than do whites .VERBRUGGE, Lois M . (Biostatistics, U . Michigan) ."Adult Friendship Contact : A Dyadic Model ." UnpublishedPaper . January, 1979 .Close friends enjoy seeing each other . How often they actually get together is affected by each person'stime constraints and his/her preferences for use of leisure time . These constraints and preferencesvary among social and demographic groups . This paper examines variations in contact frequency with closefriends for sociodemographic groups, relying on the concept of time-budgets to develop hypotheses and interpretresults . Two surveys of adult friendships are used ; in both, respondents (egos) were asked to nametheir three closest friends (alters) . Dyadic models which contain both ego and alter characteristics aspredictors are estimated . The main results are : (1) Age, marital status, sex-marital status, and occupationhave the strongest effects on contact frequency, reflecting the time commitments and leisure preferencesassociated with those positions . (2) The patterns and size of effects are similar for egos and alters .(3) Friends who are similar in marital status, sex-marital status, and political preference see each othermore than friends who are dissimilar . But for several attributes, dissimilarity enhances contact, suggestingthat complementary experiences and attitudes are sometimes attractive . Keeping the time-budget perspective,several other predictors (residential proximity, degree of affect, and duration of acquaintance)are examined . Finally, these results about friendship behavior (contact frequency) are compared withresults about friendship structure, and the importance of time-budgets for predicting contact with lessclosefriends and acquaintances is discussed .

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