Untitled - socium.ge
Untitled - socium.ge Untitled - socium.ge
Silicon Valley and Finland 53Table 2.1Production of technology and social inclusionAdvancedUS Finland economiesProduction of technologyinnovation (measured by 130 (4) 126 (5) 56receipts of royalties andlicense fees US$ per 1,000pop.)High-tech exports (%) 32 (4) 27 (8) 18Social inclusionRichest 20% to poorest 20% 9.0 (–3) 3.6 (3) 5.8(ratio)People below the poverty line 14.1 (–4) 3.8 (4) 10.6(%)The figures in parentheses mark position on a ranking of the advanced economies (the minus signcounting from the bottom).Source: UNDP (2001)inclusion (low level of poverty and income inequality), while the US comes atthe bottom of these lists (see table 2.1). In fact, in the US, the information technology-ledeconomic revolution which began in the 1970s has put the levelsof social inequality (measured by the Gini index) and exclusion (measured bythe incarceration rate which reflects how many people are left with only crimeas a means of survival) on a dramatic rise. In Finland, the information technologyrevolution has been accompanied by a fall, and then a continued lowlevel, of social inequality and exclusion, as we can see in figure 2.4.Let us now analyze the dynamics behind these results which are very similaron technological and economic measures but very dissimilar on socialmeasures. We will start with the Silicon Valley model and then contrast it withthe Finnish model.THE SILICON VALLEY MODELThe history of the development of Silicon Valley as the world’s premier milieuof technological and entrepreneurial innovation of the information technologyrevolution is well known (Castells and Hall, 1994; Saxenian, 1994). The beginningof Silicon Valley can be traced back to the founding of Hewlett-Packard
54 Pekka Himanen and Manuel CastellsIncarceration rate(per 100,000)3002502001501005001090.3601871170.349154960.3411950 1960 1970 1980 1990US Finland US Finland1130.3521381062930.37869Gini index0.400.350.300.250.20Source: UNDP (2001)Figure 2.4Social inequality and exclusion in the US and Finland,1950–1990in a Palo Alto garage in 1938. The company was started by two StanfordUniversity students, William Hewlett and David Packard, who were encouragedand supported with 1,062 dollars by their professor, Frederick Terman,later to become Dean of Engineering and Provost. To advance this kind ofentrepreneurship further, in 1951 Terman created the Stanford IndustrialPark where technology companies could interact with the university andwith each other. They paid an annual fee of 1 dollar for this prime real-estatelocation. They were carefully selected by a committee, which considered,above all other criteria, the potential of the company as a technological innovator.Terman also encouraged William Shockley, the inventor of the transistor, tostart his company Shockley Transistors in Palo Alto in 1956, recruiting a groupof talented engineers. However, seeing the potential of using silicon for integratingtransistors, eight young engineers decided to leave after a year andstart their own company, Fairchild Semiconductors, with venture capital organizedby Arthur Rock. Thus, Fairchild was the company that started the SiliconValley model of turning innovations into business with the help of venturecapital. It was also the company that developed the integrated circuit with theplanar manufacturing process and began the microelectronics revolution inSilicon Valley.Because of the option included in Fairchild’s venture capital agreement that
- Page 24 and 25: 1. Informationalism, networks, and
- Page 26 and 27: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 28 and 29: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 30 and 31: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 32 and 33: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 34 and 35: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 36 and 37: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 38 and 39: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 40 and 41: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 42 and 43: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 44 and 45: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 46 and 47: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 48 and 49: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 50 and 51: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 52 and 53: the network society, in a binary mo
- Page 54 and 55: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 56 and 57: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 58 and 59: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 60 and 61: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 62 and 63: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 64 and 65: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 66: Informationalism and the network so
- Page 70 and 71: 2. Institutional models of the netw
- Page 72 and 73: Silicon Valley and Finland 51PATHS
- Page 76 and 77: Silicon Valley and Finland 55the fi
- Page 78 and 79: Silicon Valley and Finland 57There
- Page 80 and 81: Silicon Valley and Finland 59inform
- Page 82 and 83: Silicon Valley and Finland 61that I
- Page 84 and 85: Silicon Valley and Finland 63EBay,
- Page 86 and 87: Silicon Valley and Finland 65produc
- Page 88 and 89: wholly devoted to, or dependent on,
- Page 90 and 91: Silicon Valley and Finland 69The st
- Page 92 and 93: Silicon Valley and Finland 71JOT Au
- Page 94 and 95: Silicon Valley and Finland 73risk i
- Page 96 and 97: Silicon Valley and Finland 75respec
- Page 98 and 99: Silicon Valley and Finland 77esting
- Page 100 and 101: Silicon Valley and Finland 79100090
- Page 102 and 103: Silicon Valley and Finland 81the Fi
- Page 104 and 105: Silicon Valley and Finland 83——
- Page 106 and 107: The Russian network society 85but s
- Page 108 and 109: The Russian network society 87All t
- Page 110 and 111: The Russian network society 89inequ
- Page 112 and 113: The Russian network society 91estim
- Page 114 and 115: The Russian network society 93expre
- Page 116 and 117: The Russian network society 95in st
- Page 118 and 119: The Russian network society 97actio
- Page 120 and 121: 4. The Internet in China: technolog
- Page 122 and 123: The Internet in China 101power of t
Silicon Valley and Finland 53Table 2.1Production of technology and social inclusionAdvancedUS Finland economiesProduction of technologyinnovation (measured by 130 (4) 126 (5) 56receipts of royalties andlicense fees US$ per 1,000pop.)High-tech exports (%) 32 (4) 27 (8) 18Social inclusionRichest 20% to poorest 20% 9.0 (–3) 3.6 (3) 5.8(ratio)People below the poverty line 14.1 (–4) 3.8 (4) 10.6(%)The figures in parentheses mark position on a ranking of the advanced economies (the minus signcounting from the bottom).Source: UNDP (2001)inclusion (low level of poverty and income inequality), while the US comes atthe bottom of these lists (see table 2.1). In fact, in the US, the information technology-ledeconomic revolution which began in the 1970s has put the levelsof social inequality (measured by the Gini index) and exclusion (measured bythe incarceration rate which reflects how many people are left with only crimeas a means of survival) on a dramatic rise. In Finland, the information technologyrevolution has been accompanied by a fall, and then a continued lowlevel, of social inequality and exclusion, as we can see in figure 2.4.Let us now analyze the dynamics behind these results which are very similaron technological and economic measures but very dissimilar on socialmeasures. We will start with the Silicon Valley model and then contrast it withthe Finnish model.THE SILICON VALLEY MODELThe history of the development of Silicon Valley as the world’s premier milieuof technological and entrepreneurial innovation of the information technologyrevolution is well known (Castells and Hall, 1994; Saxenian, 1994). The beginningof Silicon Valley can be traced back to the founding of Hewlett-Packard