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Community mediation in multicultural India 413were also political, since the state was to be reorganized in 1966 as a Punjabistate providing the Sikhs with a majority in the state. The paper deeplysupported the Sikh community politically and socially. After Operation BlueStar in 1984 in which Indira Gandhi sent troops into the Golden Temple todrive out Sikh extremists, Ajit spoke out bitterly against the central government’sactions. Throughout the 1980s and early part of the 1990s, the paperremained sympathetic toward Sikh separatism (Jeffrey, 1997b). BarjinderSingh, the current editor, became a Member of Parliament in 1999, andadopted a more moderate stance. 12 Currently, Ajit has the highest circulationamong Punjabi newspapers.The continued presence of Hindi advocates after the re-division of Punjabis also reflected in Punjab’s media development. Despite the restructuring ofPunjab that made it primarily a Punjabi-speaking area, the state continues toaccommodate the largest circulating Hindi paper in the country. The PunjabKesari, launched by the Hind Samachar group, boasts the third largest circulationamong the vernacular newspapers in the country with a circulation ofover 700,000 daily. A large readership in Delhi and Haryana account for overhalf of its circulation figures. In Punjab, this paper is associated with the Hindubusiness community. In the 1980s, Punjab Kesari openly opposed Sikhextremists. Consequently, the paper’s editor-owners paid a heavy price. Itsfounder, Lala Jagat Narain, was killed in 1981 by Sikh extremists. His son,Ramesh Chandra, was similarly assassinated in 1984. Such direct connectionbetween media organizations and the tense politics of Punjab affects investmentin the media and divides its audience along sectarian lines.The Punjabi film industry also suffered as a consequence of the dividedobjectives of the Punjabi community. After the partition, several prominentactors and directors migrated from a thriving Punjabi film industry to Mumbaito the rapidly developing Hindi film industry. These Punjabi film personalitiesparticipated in Hindi and Punjabi films before the partition and, then, primarilyin Hindi films following the partition. The result was the transfer of capitaland expertise from Punjab. This left a vacuum in the Punjabi cinema,influencing media development for many years thereafter. Not surprisingly,Punjabi media lags behind their southern counterparts despite the highconsumer propensity of the region.In modern-day Punjab, religious and language differences continue to reartheir heads, influencing the region’s social and political institutions. Initialmedia enterprises, such as Punjabi TV, struggled to survive due to shortage ofinvestment capital. Punjabi TV’s association with the Shiromani GurudwaraPrabhand Committee (SGPC), a sociopolitical organization in charge ofmanaging the Sikh religious bodies, may have excluded the Punjabi Hinduaudience. Also, the less-developed Punjabi film industry was unable to playthe supportive role played by the Telugu and Kerala film sectors. Soon,
414 Anshu ChatterjeePunjabi TV faced competition from other enterprises, the Lashkara channel,started by a non-Punjabi corporation, Reminiscent TV, based in England.Subsequently, Doordarshan’s Punjabi channel also expanded its programmingto become a primary player. The launching of two Punjabi channels, AlphaPunjabi (Zee) and TARA Punjabi (Star TV) in 2001 indicates a more differentiateddevelopment of competitive structures than in the south.Hindi television also forms considerable competition for Punjabi channels.Many Punjabis continue to be educated in Hindi as well as Punjabi. Channelssuch as Zee TV, Sony, and Star Plus operate successfully in the region,whereas in the southern states their presence is negligible. The presence of theBJP, with its primary support base in North India, contributes to the continuedassociation of Hindi with Hinduism in the region. The members of the oldergeneration who were educated in Urdu are also fluent in Hindi, as the twolanguages are verbally similar. Close proximity to the Pakistani border deliversPakistani TV (in Urdu) to many Punjabi homes.TRANSNATIONAL MEDIA: LOCALIZED RESPONSESInitially, several transnationals hoped to use pan-Asian, English-speakingaudiences, as a secondary market for the distribution of programs designed fortheir home audiences. Their expectations were based on a previous relationshipbetween state-operated television systems and First World mediaexporters. In India, productions such as I love Lucy, and Yes, Prime Ministerentertained large numbers of television audiences through the state televisionwhich focused its own productions on development and political issues.After 1995, transnational media sought to establish themselves as Indiancompanies with external links, focusing on communities with a higher potentialof consumption and success. For instance, Star TV (News Corporation)sought out Indian audiences using localized material produced by Indianproducers and companies. 13 It was unable to do so immediately because ofcontract stipulations with Zee Telefilms, which required it to stay away fromthe Hindi market. Along with its English channels, it therefore focused on anews channel that relied on an Indian production company for news and newsbroadcasts. When the contract ended in 2000, it immediately launched HindiStar Plus, followed by Tara Punjabi and Tara Bengali in regions were mediacompetition was less developed.An examination of Star’s content follows a pattern established by its localcompetition. The focus of Zee TV’s and Doordarshan’s Hindi channels onconservative traditions, themes, and religious programming is also apparent onStar. For instance, it recently aired Gurukul, a visual magazine that addressestopics related to Hinduism under the category of “ancient wisdom of India.”
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- Page 404: PART VIIThe culture of the network
- Page 407 and 408: 386 Imma Tubellacultural and sociol
- Page 409 and 410: 388 Imma Tubellaand through symboli
- Page 411 and 412: 390 Imma TubellaStates. During the
- Page 413 and 414: 392 Imma TubellaIn Galicia, autonom
- Page 415 and 416: 394 Imma Tubellarooms, including fi
- Page 417 and 418: 396 Imma Tubellaunderstand the choi
- Page 419 and 420: 398 Imma Tubellainteraction which i
- Page 421 and 422: 400 Imma TubellaFerguson, M. (1995)
- Page 423 and 424: 18. Globalization, identity, and te
- Page 425 and 426: 404 Anshu ChatterjeeIndian entrepre
- Page 427 and 428: 406 Anshu ChatterjeeThese enterpris
- Page 429 and 430: 408 Anshu Chatterjeerestricted area
- Page 431 and 432: 410 Anshu Chatterjeepenetration rat
- Page 433: 412 Anshu Chatterjeeproduced instit
- Page 437 and 438: 416 Anshu Chatterjeedecisions. The
- Page 439 and 440: 418 Anshu ChatterjeeNOTES1. For mor
- Page 441 and 442: 19. The hacker ethic as the culture
- Page 443 and 444: 422 Pekka Himanenthe informational
- Page 445 and 446: 424 Pekka Himanenone of the founder
- Page 447 and 448: 426 Pekka Himanena work culture in
- Page 449 and 450: 428 Pekka Himanenhype in which the
- Page 451 and 452: 430 Pekka HimanenWithout renewing t
- Page 453 and 454: Afterword: an historian’s view on
- Page 455 and 456: 434 Rosalind Williamsdoes it mean t
- Page 457 and 458: 436 Rosalind Williamsindustrial soc
- Page 459 and 460: 438 Rosalind Williamsgovernance str
- Page 461 and 462: 440 Rosalind Williamsspeech deliver
- Page 463 and 464: 442 Rosalind Williamsincarnates as
- Page 465 and 466: 444 Rosalind Williamsexponentially
- Page 467 and 468: 446 Rosalind Williamsmultiplicity o
- Page 469 and 470: 448 Rosalind WilliamsArendt, Hannah
- Page 471 and 472: 450 IndexCalifornia, University of:
- Page 473 and 474: 452 IndexDetroit Area Study 249, 25
- Page 475 and 476: 454 IndexGore, Al 99Gould, Stephen
- Page 477 and 478: 456 Indexencryption 71, 76gender ga
- Page 479 and 480: 458 IndexMTV 403, 415MTV India 406M
- Page 481 and 482: 460 IndexRambler 95Raymond, Eric 35
- Page 483 and 484: 462 Indexstatism 15, 17-18, 22, 84,
Community mediation in multicultural India 413were also political, since the state was to be reorganized in 1966 as a Punjabistate providing the Sikhs with a majority in the state. The paper deeplysupported the Sikh community politically and socially. After Operation BlueStar in 1984 in which Indira Gandhi sent troops into the Golden Temple todrive out Sikh extremists, Ajit spoke out bitterly against the central government’sactions. Throughout the 1980s and early part of the 1990s, the paperremained sympathetic toward Sikh separatism (Jeffrey, 1997b). BarjinderSingh, the current editor, became a Member of Parliament in 1999, andadopted a more moderate stance. 12 Currently, Ajit has the highest circulationamong Punjabi newspapers.The continued presence of Hindi advocates after the re-division of Punjabis also reflected in Punjab’s media development. Despite the restructuring ofPunjab that made it primarily a Punjabi-speaking area, the state continues toaccommodate the lar<strong>ge</strong>st circulating Hindi paper in the country. The PunjabKesari, launched by the Hind Samachar group, boasts the third lar<strong>ge</strong>st circulationamong the vernacular newspapers in the country with a circulation ofover 700,000 daily. A lar<strong>ge</strong> readership in Delhi and Haryana account for overhalf of its circulation figures. In Punjab, this paper is associated with the Hindubusiness community. In the 1980s, Punjab Kesari openly opposed Sikhextremists. Consequently, the paper’s editor-owners paid a heavy price. Itsfounder, Lala Jagat Narain, was killed in 1981 by Sikh extremists. His son,Ramesh Chandra, was similarly assassinated in 1984. Such direct connectionbetween media organizations and the tense politics of Punjab affects investmentin the media and divides its audience along sectarian lines.The Punjabi film industry also suffered as a consequence of the dividedobjectives of the Punjabi community. After the partition, several prominentactors and directors migrated from a thriving Punjabi film industry to Mumbaito the rapidly developing Hindi film industry. These Punjabi film personalitiesparticipated in Hindi and Punjabi films before the partition and, then, primarilyin Hindi films following the partition. The result was the transfer of capitaland expertise from Punjab. This left a vacuum in the Punjabi cinema,influencing media development for many years thereafter. Not surprisingly,Punjabi media lags behind their southern counterparts despite the highconsumer propensity of the region.In modern-day Punjab, religious and langua<strong>ge</strong> differences continue to reartheir heads, influencing the region’s social and political institutions. Initialmedia enterprises, such as Punjabi TV, struggled to survive due to shorta<strong>ge</strong> ofinvestment capital. Punjabi TV’s association with the Shiromani GurudwaraPrabhand Committee (SGPC), a sociopolitical organization in char<strong>ge</strong> ofmanaging the Sikh religious bodies, may have excluded the Punjabi Hinduaudience. Also, the less-developed Punjabi film industry was unable to playthe supportive role played by the Telugu and Kerala film sectors. Soon,