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Community mediation in multicultural India 411Christians, proportions that have not altered drastically in the past century. 11The relationship between the media and the community social and politicalinstitutions developed at the time. Several founders of Malayali vernacularnewspapers were members of the newly formed Malayali political associationsas well as the Indian National Congress, linking their drive for autonomywith the nationalist movement for independence. Correspondingly, involvementin the region’s movements by several of cinema’s prominent personalitiesformed a link between the region’s film sector and the politicalinstitutions. This relationship was later institutionalized when the new stateutilized its resources to encourage Kerala’s media sector.After independence, these language affinities remained resolute inconfronting the attempt by the nation-state to unify modern India throughhomogenizing policies. The manner in which Hindi was promoted to replaceEnglish in post-colonial India raised concerns of discriminative policiesamong other language communities, producing widespread opposition and thesuspension of the sole language policy (Dasgupta, 1970: ch. 2). The combinationof enhanced awareness of distinct language communities, promoted bythe elite and the state, and the regional threat of discrimination furtherenhanced affinity toward language collectivities. Community media institutionsparticipated in this process by diffusing these objectives, supporting thecommunity elite, as well as becoming cultural symbols whose consumptionwas critical for community cohesion.The success of these movements and the formation of states strengthenedthe alliance between the media and the new elite. For Andhra Pradesh andKerala, territorial reorganization initiated in the 1950s provided spatialsymbols for further enhancement of their language identities. The new politicalboundaries strengthened their language community, legitimized theirdifferences, and presented an opportunity to institutionalize the objectives ofthe community movements. Simultaneously, the national and state governmentsinstated coordinating institutions to promote regional languageresources such as the Central Institute of Indian Languages and the SahityaAkademy (literary academy) to develop Indian languages.The film sectors in the two language communities reflect this relationship.Andhra Pradesh ranks as the largest film production center in the country. In1995, it produced 168 films. During the same period, Kerala produced a totalof 83 films, which ranked it as the fourth largest film industry. The Hindi filmindustry in Mumbai provides the only other corresponding figure with theproduction of 157 films in 1995 (Rajadhyaksha and Willemen, 1999: 33).Comparatively, the Punjabi film industry produced 12 films in 1995, furtheremphasizing the importance of the historical link between media institutionsand the state during the language movements. In Punjab, the presence of threelanguage movements, each associated with a politico-religious movement,
412 Anshu Chatterjeeproduced institutions which did not encourage collaboration between thecommunity’s religiously diverse social and political elites. Whereas thelanguage movement in Kerala was able to provide a unifying symbol, themovement in Punjab became secondary due to political competition amongthe three Punjabi communities.As part of historical democratization and social reform processes, PunjabiMuslims, Hindus, and Sikhs sought to differentiate themselves through the useof religious symbols. Urdu became a political symbol for the Muslims as theyassociated themselves with the elite culture of pre-colonial Mughal administration,which utilized Urdu as an official language. Meanwhile, Hindu reformmovements seeking cultural symbols chose Hindi in order to differentiatethemselves from British and Muslim cultural symbols. Consequently, largesections of Punjabi-speaking Hindus and Muslims turned away from theirmother tongue in order to rally behind Hindi and Urdu, leaving few resourcesfor the promotion of Punjabi or its cultural industries, including its mediasector. In the post-independence phase, this linkage between the region’s politicaland religious organizations continued. The Punjabi religious communitiesdeveloped their exclusive media after the partition, reflecting their politicallanguage preferences and, thus, dividing up resources and audience in theprocess.The history of the Punjabi press reveals the consequences of social andpolitical competition between the three religious communities (see Jeffrey,1997b). Urdu’s previous status meant that many of the Muslim, Hindu, andSikh elites were educated in the language. Punjabi, on the other hand, was thelanguage of the home for these communities, the marketplace, and Sikh religiousactivities. As a result, Punjab’s press was predominantly Urdu orEnglish, avoiding the major vernacular. Promotion of Punjabi, meanwhile,became the limited domain of some scholars and the Sikh religious communityfor religious services. After the partitioning of India, in which the westernparts of Punjab became a part of Pakistan, the Urdu press continued to operatein India’s Punjab because it still enjoyed a large non-Muslim Urdu readership.Punjabi remained the language of the home and the marketplace. Thestatus of Punjabi changed in 1966 after the region was reorganized alonglanguage lines. The new state instituted an educational system whichpromoted Punjabi and encouraged literary societies and programs that werealso assisted by a central policy of support for regional languages.Consequently, the Punjabi press did not emerge until the 1960s. The historyof two newspapers in Punjab reveals the consequences of these movements onthe region’s media. In the newly structured state, Ajit, initially established as aUrdu newspaper in the pre-independence Punjab, transformed into a Punjabipaper in 1960. Its founder, Sadhu Singh Hamdard expected an increase inPunjabi readership due to the change in the education system. His motivations
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- Page 404: PART VIIThe culture of the network
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- Page 421 and 422: 400 Imma TubellaFerguson, M. (1995)
- Page 423 and 424: 18. Globalization, identity, and te
- Page 425 and 426: 404 Anshu ChatterjeeIndian entrepre
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- Page 455 and 456: 434 Rosalind Williamsdoes it mean t
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- Page 465 and 466: 444 Rosalind Williamsexponentially
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- Page 469 and 470: 448 Rosalind WilliamsArendt, Hannah
- Page 471 and 472: 450 IndexCalifornia, University of:
- Page 473 and 474: 452 IndexDetroit Area Study 249, 25
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Community mediation in multicultural India 411Christians, proportions that have not altered drastically in the past century. 11The relationship between the media and the community social and politicalinstitutions developed at the time. Several founders of Malayali vernacularnewspapers were members of the newly formed Malayali political associationsas well as the Indian National Congress, linking their drive for autonomywith the nationalist movement for independence. Correspondingly, involvementin the region’s movements by several of cinema’s prominent personalitiesformed a link between the region’s film sector and the politicalinstitutions. This relationship was later institutionalized when the new stateutilized its resources to encoura<strong>ge</strong> Kerala’s media sector.After independence, these langua<strong>ge</strong> affinities remained resolute inconfronting the attempt by the nation-state to unify modern India throughhomo<strong>ge</strong>nizing policies. The manner in which Hindi was promoted to replaceEnglish in post-colonial India raised concerns of discriminative policiesamong other langua<strong>ge</strong> communities, producing widespread opposition and thesuspension of the sole langua<strong>ge</strong> policy (Dasgupta, 1970: ch. 2). The combinationof enhanced awareness of distinct langua<strong>ge</strong> communities, promoted bythe elite and the state, and the regional threat of discrimination furtherenhanced affinity toward langua<strong>ge</strong> collectivities. Community media institutionsparticipated in this process by diffusing these objectives, supporting thecommunity elite, as well as becoming cultural symbols whose consumptionwas critical for community cohesion.The success of these movements and the formation of states strengthenedthe alliance between the media and the new elite. For Andhra Pradesh andKerala, territorial reorganization initiated in the 1950s provided spatialsymbols for further enhancement of their langua<strong>ge</strong> identities. The new politicalboundaries strengthened their langua<strong>ge</strong> community, legitimized theirdifferences, and presented an opportunity to institutionalize the objectives ofthe community movements. Simultaneously, the national and state governmentsinstated coordinating institutions to promote regional langua<strong>ge</strong>resources such as the Central Institute of Indian Langua<strong>ge</strong>s and the SahityaAkademy (literary academy) to develop Indian langua<strong>ge</strong>s.The film sectors in the two langua<strong>ge</strong> communities reflect this relationship.Andhra Pradesh ranks as the lar<strong>ge</strong>st film production center in the country. In1995, it produced 168 films. During the same period, Kerala produced a totalof 83 films, which ranked it as the fourth lar<strong>ge</strong>st film industry. The Hindi filmindustry in Mumbai provides the only other corresponding figure with theproduction of 157 films in 1995 (Rajadhyaksha and Willemen, 1999: 33).Comparatively, the Punjabi film industry produced 12 films in 1995, furtheremphasizing the importance of the historical link between media institutionsand the state during the langua<strong>ge</strong> movements. In Punjab, the presence of threelangua<strong>ge</strong> movements, each associated with a politico-religious movement,