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The Internet and the political process 377individualized relationship. This mechanism works efficiently as long as theclients/citizens are satisfied. But when public affairs turn sour, there is no feedbacksystem until the next election. Furthermore, come the election, the offeris still articulated through the media, so that the actual ability to control andprocess the information is largely removed from the hands and minds of individualcitizens, with little access to the media on their own. At most, they canreact through opinion polls, if they are lucky enough to be sampled. When, forreasons linked to the process of broader structural transformation (for example,globalization), citizens feel lost and disfranchised, media politics does notoffer the possibility of readjusting the relationship between politicians andcitizens, except in the few instances when journalists place themselves in theposition of defenders of the public interest.The crisis of political legitimacy, associated to some extent with the practiceof media politics, is at the origin of new forms of politicization in our societies.While a substantial proportion of citizens give up hope in the politicalsystem, many others undertake alternative forms of political expression, sometimesin the form of social movements, at other times in the shape of insurgentpolitics within the political system, and often trying to connect civil society tonew leaders in the political process. This is the privileged terrain of theInternet as a political medium. As long as the Internet is used as a reproductionof top-down politics controlled by the political machines in a market-likerelationship to its citizens, its added value is limited and its ability to reach outto public opinion vastly inferior to the mass media. However, when, and if,individual citizens, grassroots organizations, and political entrepreneursengage in an autonomous project to redesign the political process, the Internetbecomes the platform of choice. This is because of its potential to build up,with little cost in resources, very large networks on the basis of individualconnections that are multidirectional. The network can expand endlessly, aslong as it has an open-ended program, which implies the lack of central controland the configuration of the network around some general themes whose specificationresults from the interactive, recurrent process inside the network.Such was the key mechanism, as we have seen, behind the unexpected successof the Dean campaign in 2003.However, these political networks are not chat rooms, they are not justexpressive: they are instrumental. They are geared toward accomplishingpolitical goals. This is why it is so important that their dynamics materializesin the two levers that move the political system: money and activists, whichboth lead to votes. The ability to generate tens of thousands of small, individualdonations was key in the Dean campaign. And Bimber’s (2003) datashowed, as we saw above, that one of the few variables of political behaviorthat was influenced by Internet use was the willingness to donate money to acandidate. Thus, while media politics costs money, networked politics is a
378 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellssource of funding, not because of the technology, but because involvement inan interactive political network is an expression of commitment toward apersonal political option. Media politics is mass politics. Networked politics isindividualized politics, which tries to connect to many other individuals,suddenly identified as recognizable citizens. In the same way that media politicsdisrupted traditional party machines, networked politics is disruptingmedia politics.The potential consequences are vast as formal politics is nowadays generallypredicated on the client/citizen model of consumption of one-way politicalmessages. The consequences include the fragmentation of politics, thespread of referendum politics, the unpredictability of political opinion, thewhirlwind of political leadership that results from the emergence of insurgentpolitical entrepreneurs, and, ultimately, the erosion of the stable system ofpolitical representation that characterized democracies in the past half-century.The dilemma seems to be between the continuation of traditional party politics,enacted through media politics and increasingly delegitimized, and theemergence of networked politics in a process characterized by the productionof new actors and new issues against or around the political establishment,thus leading to systemic instability.REFERENCESAgre, P. E. (2002) “Real-time Politics: The Internet and the Political Process,” TheInformation Society 18: 311–31.Anderson, David M. (2003) “Cautious Optimism about Online Politics andCitizenship,” in D. M. Anderson and M. Cornfield (eds), The Civic Web: OnlinePolitics and Democratic Values, pp. 19–34. Lanham, MD: Rowman andLittlefield.—— and Cornfield, M. (eds) (2003) The Civic Web: Online Politics and DemocraticValues. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.Associated Press (2003) “Wesley Clark Enters Crowded Presidential Race,”September 17 (retrieved October 1, 2003 from www.katv.com).Barber, Benjamin (1984) Strong Democracy. Berkeley, CA: University of CaliforniaPress.—— (1998) “The New Telecommunications Technology: Endless Frontier or End ofDemocracy,” in Roger G. Noll and Monroe Price (eds), CommunicationsCornucopia, pp. 72–98. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.Bernstein, D. (2003) “Campaign Dot-com,” Boston Phoenix, September 5–11(retrieved October 3, 2003 from www.bostonphoenix.com).Bimber, B. (2003) Information and American Democracy: Technology in theEvolution of Political Power. New York: Cambridge University Press.Bolton, A. (2003) “Dean Presidential Rivals Suffer ‘Growth Pains’ Chasing Dean,”The Hill, October 8 (retrieved October 25, 2003 from www.thehill.com).Browning, Graeme (2001) Electronic Democracy: Using the Internet to TransformAmerican Politics, 2nd edn. Medford, NJ: CyberAge Books.
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- Page 363 and 364: 342 Jeffrey S. JurisFollowing Fredr
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- Page 367 and 368: 346 Jeffrey S. Juristime. 13 Some h
- Page 369 and 370: 348 Jeffrey S. JurisZapatistas were
- Page 371 and 372: 350 Jeffrey S. Juriscollectives aga
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- Page 377 and 378: 356 Jeffrey S. Jurisorganizations.
- Page 379 and 380: 358 Jeffrey S. JurisNOTES1. Moving
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- Page 404: PART VIIThe culture of the network
- Page 407 and 408: 386 Imma Tubellacultural and sociol
- Page 409 and 410: 388 Imma Tubellaand through symboli
- Page 411 and 412: 390 Imma TubellaStates. During the
- Page 413 and 414: 392 Imma TubellaIn Galicia, autonom
- Page 415 and 416: 394 Imma Tubellarooms, including fi
- Page 417 and 418: 396 Imma Tubellaunderstand the choi
- Page 419 and 420: 398 Imma Tubellainteraction which i
- Page 421 and 422: 400 Imma TubellaFerguson, M. (1995)
- Page 423 and 424: 18. Globalization, identity, and te
- Page 425 and 426: 404 Anshu ChatterjeeIndian entrepre
- Page 427 and 428: 406 Anshu ChatterjeeThese enterpris
- Page 429 and 430: 408 Anshu Chatterjeerestricted area
- Page 431 and 432: 410 Anshu Chatterjeepenetration rat
- Page 433 and 434: 412 Anshu Chatterjeeproduced instit
- Page 435 and 436: 414 Anshu ChatterjeePunjabi TV face
- Page 437 and 438: 416 Anshu Chatterjeedecisions. The
- Page 439 and 440: 418 Anshu ChatterjeeNOTES1. For mor
- Page 441 and 442: 19. The hacker ethic as the culture
- Page 443 and 444: 422 Pekka Himanenthe informational
- Page 445 and 446: 424 Pekka Himanenone of the founder
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The Internet and the political process 377individualized relationship. This mechanism works efficiently as long as theclients/citizens are satisfied. But when public affairs turn sour, there is no feedbacksystem until the next election. Furthermore, come the election, the offeris still articulated through the media, so that the actual ability to control andprocess the information is lar<strong>ge</strong>ly removed from the hands and minds of individualcitizens, with little access to the media on their own. At most, they canreact through opinion polls, if they are lucky enough to be sampled. When, forreasons linked to the process of broader structural transformation (for example,globalization), citizens feel lost and disfranchised, media politics does notoffer the possibility of readjusting the relationship between politicians andcitizens, except in the few instances when journalists place themselves in theposition of defenders of the public interest.The crisis of political legitimacy, associated to some extent with the practiceof media politics, is at the origin of new forms of politicization in our societies.While a substantial proportion of citizens give up hope in the politicalsystem, many others undertake alternative forms of political expression, sometimesin the form of social movements, at other times in the shape of insur<strong>ge</strong>ntpolitics within the political system, and often trying to connect civil society tonew leaders in the political process. This is the privile<strong>ge</strong>d terrain of theInternet as a political medium. As long as the Internet is used as a reproductionof top-down politics controlled by the political machines in a market-likerelationship to its citizens, its added value is limited and its ability to reach outto public opinion vastly inferior to the mass media. However, when, and if,individual citizens, grassroots organizations, and political entrepreneursenga<strong>ge</strong> in an autonomous project to redesign the political process, the Internetbecomes the platform of choice. This is because of its potential to build up,with little cost in resources, very lar<strong>ge</strong> networks on the basis of individualconnections that are multidirectional. The network can expand endlessly, aslong as it has an open-ended program, which implies the lack of central controland the configuration of the network around some <strong>ge</strong>neral themes whose specificationresults from the interactive, recurrent process inside the network.Such was the key mechanism, as we have seen, behind the unexpected successof the Dean campaign in 2003.However, these political networks are not chat rooms, they are not justexpressive: they are instrumental. They are <strong>ge</strong>ared toward accomplishingpolitical goals. This is why it is so important that their dynamics materializesin the two levers that move the political system: money and activists, whichboth lead to votes. The ability to <strong>ge</strong>nerate tens of thousands of small, individualdonations was key in the Dean campaign. And Bimber’s (2003) datashowed, as we saw above, that one of the few variables of political behaviorthat was influenced by Internet use was the willingness to donate money to acandidate. Thus, while media politics costs money, networked politics is a