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Networked social movements 3459/11, including a march of half a million people against the European Unionin Barcelona in March 2002, and a mass protest involving more than 30,000people against the FTAA in Quito, Ecuador during October 2002. Movementsfor global justice and those against the war in Iraq soon converged, leading toan anti-war protest of more than a million people during the European SocialForum in Florence in November. Meanwhile, the third edition of the WorldSocial Forum in Porto Alegre drew 100,000 participants during January 2003.The following June, hundreds of thousands of global justice and peaceactivists descended on the border of France and Switzerland to protest againstthe heavily militarized G8 summit in Evian.THE DYNAMICS OF OPPOSITION IN THE INFORMATIONAGEIn The Power of Identity, Manuel Castells (1997) points to the emergence ofpowerful communal resistance identities that have arisen in opposition toeconomic globalization, capitalist restructuring, and the disruption caused byglobal financial and cultural flows, all important features of the informationage. He also holds out another possibility: that from the midst of communalresistance, the seeds of a proactive project identity might emerge, capable ofproducing alternative cultural codes and sowing the seeds for a global civilsociety. In this sense, movements for global justice represent the (re)-emergenceof an alternative political project based on the articulation of diverselocal/global struggles against the disjuncture wrought by corporate globalization.Beyond creating alternative cultural codes, however, activists are generatingnew networking forms and practices that allow for the production ofglobal webs of resistance, while providing diverse models for building analternative, more directly democratic and globally networked society. Globaljustice movements can thus be characterized according to three specificfeatures, which are more broadly associated with the nature of informationalcapitalism.First, global justice movements are global. Coordinating and communicatingthrough transnational networks, activists have engaged in institutionalpolitics, such as global campaigns to defeat the MAI or abolish the externaldebt, and extra-institutional strategies, including coordinated Global Days ofAction, international forums, and cross-border information sharing. Perhapsmost importantly, activists think of themselves as belonging to global movements,discursively linking their local protests and activities to diverse struggleselsewhere. Global justice movements have thus emerged as transnationalfields of meaning, where actions, images, discourses, and tactics flow fromone continent to another via worldwide communication networks in real
346 Jeffrey S. Juristime. 13 Some have objected that these movements are restricted to middleclassyouths with Internet connections and resources to travel. This is largelytrue for direct action-oriented sectors, which tend to be youth-based andlocated in major or secondary “global cities” (Sassen, 1991), along importanttransnational trajectories of power. Even so, radical youth sectors should notbe mistaken for the whole. Sizable contingents from Southern indigenous andpeasant networks have taken part in anti-globalization actions, while movementssuch as the Brazilian MST or the Indian Karnataka State Farmers haveplayed key roles within both PGA, whose global conferences have been heldin India and Bolivia, and the WSF, which has taken place in Brazil and India.Moreover, Southern movements have organized against free trade, structuraladjustment, environmental devastation, and corporate exploitation fordecades.Second, global justice movements are informational. The various protesttactics employed by activists, despite emerging in very different culturalcontexts, all produce highly visible, theatrical images for mass-mediatedconsumption, including: giant puppets and street theater, mobile street carnivals(Reclaim the Streets), militant protesters advancing toward police lineswith white outfits, protective shields, and padding (White Overalls), andblack-clad, masked urban warriors smashing the symbols of corporate capitalism(Black Bloc). 14 The general blockade strategy, where diverse formations“swarm” their target (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 2001), inscribing meanings intourban terrains of resistance (Routledge, 1994) through alternative forms ofembodied political praxis, produces high-powered social drama indeed.Whether broadcast images depict roving samba dancers dressed in pink andsilver, thousands of Michelin Men advancing toward a “red zone,” or skirmishesbetween robocops and hooded stone-throwers, mass actions are powerfulimage events. Militant protest violence becomes yet another form ofsymbolic communication, while tactics circulate through global networks,where they are reproduced, transformed, and enacted in distant locales.Moreover, the horizontal, directly democratic process through which directactions are organized, involving decentralized coordination amongautonomous affinity groups, as well as the prevailing “diversity of tactics”ethic among many activists, embody the broader cultural logic of networkingitself.Finally, global justice movements are organized around flexible, decentralizednetworks, reflecting the dominant organizational logic of informationalcapitalism. In practice, they are composed of a multiplicity of diverse networkforms, including more hierarchical “circle” patterns, intermediate “wheel”formations and the more decentralized “all-channel” configurations (Kapferer,1973: 87). 15 Alternative network models imply divergent cultural logics, oftenleading to a complex cultural politics of networking when different logics
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Networked social movements 3459/11, including a march of half a million people against the European Unionin Barcelona in March 2002, and a mass protest involving more than 30,000people against the FTAA in Quito, Ecuador during October 2002. Movementsfor global justice and those against the war in Iraq soon conver<strong>ge</strong>d, leading toan anti-war protest of more than a million people during the European SocialForum in Florence in November. Meanwhile, the third edition of the WorldSocial Forum in Porto Alegre drew 100,000 participants during January 2003.The following June, hundreds of thousands of global justice and peaceactivists descended on the border of France and Switzerland to protest againstthe heavily militarized G8 summit in Evian.THE DYNAMICS OF OPPOSITION IN THE INFORMATIONAGEIn The Power of Identity, Manuel Castells (1997) points to the emer<strong>ge</strong>nce ofpowerful communal resistance identities that have arisen in opposition toeconomic globalization, capitalist restructuring, and the disruption caused byglobal financial and cultural flows, all important features of the informationa<strong>ge</strong>. He also holds out another possibility: that from the midst of communalresistance, the seeds of a proactive project identity might emer<strong>ge</strong>, capable ofproducing alternative cultural codes and sowing the seeds for a global civilsociety. In this sense, movements for global justice represent the (re)-emer<strong>ge</strong>nceof an alternative political project based on the articulation of diverselocal/global struggles against the disjuncture wrought by corporate globalization.Beyond creating alternative cultural codes, however, activists are <strong>ge</strong>neratingnew networking forms and practices that allow for the production ofglobal webs of resistance, while providing diverse models for building analternative, more directly democratic and globally networked society. Globaljustice movements can thus be characterized according to three specificfeatures, which are more broadly associated with the nature of informationalcapitalism.First, global justice movements are global. Coordinating and communicatingthrough transnational networks, activists have enga<strong>ge</strong>d in institutionalpolitics, such as global campaigns to defeat the MAI or abolish the externaldebt, and extra-institutional strategies, including coordinated Global Days ofAction, international forums, and cross-border information sharing. Perhapsmost importantly, activists think of themselves as belonging to global movements,discursively linking their local protests and activities to diverse struggleselsewhere. Global justice movements have thus emer<strong>ge</strong>d as transnationalfields of meaning, where actions, ima<strong>ge</strong>s, discourses, and tactics flow fromone continent to another via worldwide communication networks in real