Untitled - socium.ge
Untitled - socium.ge Untitled - socium.ge
Networked social movements 343November 30, 1999. A diverse coalition of environmental, labor, andeconomic justice activists succeeded in shutting down the meetings andpreventing another round of trade liberalization talks. Media images of giantpuppets, tear gas, and street clashes between protesters and the police werebroadcast throughout the world, bringing both the WTO and a novel form ofcollective action into public view. Seattle became a symbol and a battle cry fora new generation of activists, as anti-corporate globalization networks wereenergized around the globe. Diverse networks and historical processesconverged in Seattle, producing a new model of social protest, involving directaction, NGO-based forums, labor marches and rallies, independent media, andthe articulation of economic justice, environmental, feminist, labor, and internationalsolidarity activism.Global justice activists alternatively trace their genealogy back to theZapatista uprising, campaigns against the North American Free Trade(NAFTA) and Multilateral Investment (MAI) Agreements, student-based anticorporateactivism, and radical anarchist-inspired direct action, bringingtogether traditions from the United States, Great Britain, Italy, and Germany,among others. Indeed, Seattle was the third Global Day of Action looselycoordinated through the People’s Global Action (PGA) network, which wasfounded in 1998 by grassroots movements that had taken part in the secondZapatista-inspired Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and AgainstNeoliberalism organized in Spain the year before. 6 However, when thesediverse historical trajectories came together, the result was an entirely newphenomenon bigger than the sum of its parts.On the one hand, the “Battle of Seattle,” packaged as a prime-time imageevent (Deluca, 1999), cascaded through global mediascapes (Appadurai,1996), capturing the imagination of long-time activists and would-be postmodernrevolutionaries alike. On the other hand, activists followed the eventsin Seattle and beyond through Internet-based distribution lists, websites, andthe newly created Independent Media Center. 7 New networks quicklyemerged, such as the Continental Direct Action Network (DAN) in NorthAmerica, 8 or the Movement for Global Resistance (MRG) in Catalonia, 9where my own field research was based, while already existing globalnetworks such as PGA, the International Movement for Democratic Control ofFinancial Markets and their Institutions (ATTAC), or Via Campesina alsoplayed crucial roles during these early formative stages. Although morediffuse, decentralized, all-channel formations (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 2001),such as DAN or MRG, proved difficult to sustain over time, they providedconcrete mechanisms for generating physical and virtual communication andcoordination in real time among diverse movements, groups, and collectives.Global justice movements have largely grown and expanded through theorganization of mass mobilizations, including highly confrontational direct
344 Jeffrey S. Jurisactions and counter-summit forums against multilateral institutions. The anti-WTO protests were a huge success, and everywhere activists wanted to createthe “next Seattle.” Mass mobilizations offer concrete goals around which toorganize, while they also provide physical spaces where activists meet, virtualnetworks are embodied, meanings and representations are produced andcontested, and where political values are ritually enacted. Public events canbroadly be seen as “culturally constituted foci for information-processing”(Handelman, 1990: 16), while direct actions, in particular, generate intenseemotional energy (Collins, 2001), stimulating continuing networking withinpublic and submerged spheres. Activists organized a second mass protestagainst the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) inWashington, DC on April 16, 2000, and went truly global during the subsequentmobilization against the World Bank/IMF in Prague on September 26,2000. Protesters came from around Europe, including large contingents fromSpain, Italy, Germany, and Britain, and other parts of the world, including theUnited States, Latin America, and South Asia. Solidarity actions were held incities throughout Europe, North and South America, and parts of Asia andAfrica. 10The first World Social Forum (WSF), organized in Porto Alegre, Brazil, inlate January 2001, coinciding with the World Economic Forum, represented animportant turning point, as movements for global justice began to more clearlyemphasize alternatives to corporate globalization. 11 The unexpected success ofthe first WSF was magnified during the subsequent two editions, which drew70,000 and 100,000 people from around the world, respectively. Much morethan a conference, the WSF constitutes a dynamic process, involving theconvergence of multiple networks, movements, and organizations. WhereasPGA remains more radical, horizontal, and broadly libertarian, 12 the WSF is awider political space, including both newer decentralized network-basedmovements and more hierarchical forces of the traditional left. Meanwhile,mass actions continued to intensify and expand during the spring and summerof 2001, including the anti-FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) protestsin Quebec and increasingly militant actions against the European Union inGothenburg, the World Bank in Barcelona, and the G8 summit in Genoa,where widespread police violence culminated in the death of an Italian activistand a brutal night-time raid on the Independent Media Center. Mass marchesand rallies the following day brought 350,000 protesters onto the streets ofGenoa, and hundreds of thousands more around Italy.US-based global justice movements, which were severely shaken by theSeptember 11 attacks, re-emerged when activists shifted their attention fromthe war in Iraq back toward corporate globalization, leading to mass mobilizationsagainst the WTO in Cancun and the FTAA summit in Miami duringthe fall of 2003. In the rest of the world, mobilizations continued to grow after
- Page 314 and 315: 13. e-health networks and socialtra
- Page 316 and 317: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 318 and 319: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 320 and 321: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 322 and 323: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 324 and 325: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 326 and 327: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 328 and 329: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 330 and 331: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 332 and 333: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 334 and 335: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 336 and 337: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 338 and 339: e-health networks and social transf
- Page 340 and 341: 14. Narrowing the digital divide: t
- Page 342 and 343: The US community technology movemen
- Page 344 and 345: The US community technology movemen
- Page 346 and 347: The US community technology movemen
- Page 348 and 349: community issues, access advanced t
- Page 350 and 351: The US community technology movemen
- Page 352 and 353: The US community technology movemen
- Page 354 and 355: The US community technology movemen
- Page 356 and 357: The US community technology movemen
- Page 358 and 359: The US community technology movemen
- Page 360: PART VINetworked social movements a
- Page 363: 342 Jeffrey S. JurisFollowing Fredr
- Page 367 and 368: 346 Jeffrey S. Juristime. 13 Some h
- Page 369 and 370: 348 Jeffrey S. JurisZapatistas were
- Page 371 and 372: 350 Jeffrey S. Juriscollectives aga
- Page 373 and 374: 352 Jeffrey S. JurisVisibly impassi
- Page 375 and 376: 354 Jeffrey S. Juriselements. Colin
- Page 377 and 378: 356 Jeffrey S. Jurisorganizations.
- Page 379 and 380: 358 Jeffrey S. JurisNOTES1. Moving
- Page 381 and 382: 360 Jeffrey S. JurisMRG,’ which w
- Page 383 and 384: 362 Jeffrey S. JurisPolanyi, Karl (
- Page 385 and 386: 364 Araba Sey and Manuel CastellsIn
- Page 387 and 388: 366 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellsre
- Page 389 and 390: 368 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellsci
- Page 391 and 392: 370 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellssw
- Page 393 and 394: 372 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellspa
- Page 395 and 396: 374 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellssu
- Page 397 and 398: 376 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellsch
- Page 399 and 400: 378 Araba Sey and Manuel Castellsso
- Page 401 and 402: 380 Araba Sey and Manuel CastellsCo
- Page 404: PART VIIThe culture of the network
- Page 407 and 408: 386 Imma Tubellacultural and sociol
- Page 409 and 410: 388 Imma Tubellaand through symboli
- Page 411 and 412: 390 Imma TubellaStates. During the
- Page 413 and 414: 392 Imma TubellaIn Galicia, autonom
Networked social movements 343November 30, 1999. A diverse coalition of environmental, labor, andeconomic justice activists succeeded in shutting down the meetings andpreventing another round of trade liberalization talks. Media ima<strong>ge</strong>s of giantpuppets, tear gas, and street clashes between protesters and the police werebroadcast throughout the world, bringing both the WTO and a novel form ofcollective action into public view. Seattle became a symbol and a battle cry fora new <strong>ge</strong>neration of activists, as anti-corporate globalization networks wereenergized around the globe. Diverse networks and historical processesconver<strong>ge</strong>d in Seattle, producing a new model of social protest, involving directaction, NGO-based forums, labor marches and rallies, independent media, andthe articulation of economic justice, environmental, feminist, labor, and internationalsolidarity activism.Global justice activists alternatively trace their <strong>ge</strong>nealogy back to theZapatista uprising, campaigns against the North American Free Trade(NAFTA) and Multilateral Investment (MAI) Agreements, student-based anticorporateactivism, and radical anarchist-inspired direct action, bringingto<strong>ge</strong>ther traditions from the United States, Great Britain, Italy, and Germany,among others. Indeed, Seattle was the third Global Day of Action looselycoordinated through the People’s Global Action (PGA) network, which wasfounded in 1998 by grassroots movements that had taken part in the secondZapatista-inspired Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and AgainstNeoliberalism organized in Spain the year before. 6 However, when thesediverse historical trajectories came to<strong>ge</strong>ther, the result was an entirely newphenomenon big<strong>ge</strong>r than the sum of its parts.On the one hand, the “Battle of Seattle,” packa<strong>ge</strong>d as a prime-time ima<strong>ge</strong>event (Deluca, 1999), cascaded through global mediascapes (Appadurai,1996), capturing the imagination of long-time activists and would-be postmodernrevolutionaries alike. On the other hand, activists followed the eventsin Seattle and beyond through Internet-based distribution lists, websites, andthe newly created Independent Media Center. 7 New networks quicklyemer<strong>ge</strong>d, such as the Continental Direct Action Network (DAN) in NorthAmerica, 8 or the Movement for Global Resistance (MRG) in Catalonia, 9where my own field research was based, while already existing globalnetworks such as PGA, the International Movement for Democratic Control ofFinancial Markets and their Institutions (ATTAC), or Via Campesina alsoplayed crucial roles during these early formative sta<strong>ge</strong>s. Although morediffuse, decentralized, all-channel formations (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 2001),such as DAN or MRG, proved difficult to sustain over time, they providedconcrete mechanisms for <strong>ge</strong>nerating physical and virtual communication andcoordination in real time among diverse movements, groups, and collectives.Global justice movements have lar<strong>ge</strong>ly grown and expanded through theorganization of mass mobilizations, including highly confrontational direct