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Networked social movements 343November 30, 1999. A diverse coalition of environmental, labor, andeconomic justice activists succeeded in shutting down the meetings andpreventing another round of trade liberalization talks. Media images of giantpuppets, tear gas, and street clashes between protesters and the police werebroadcast throughout the world, bringing both the WTO and a novel form ofcollective action into public view. Seattle became a symbol and a battle cry fora new generation of activists, as anti-corporate globalization networks wereenergized around the globe. Diverse networks and historical processesconverged in Seattle, producing a new model of social protest, involving directaction, NGO-based forums, labor marches and rallies, independent media, andthe articulation of economic justice, environmental, feminist, labor, and internationalsolidarity activism.Global justice activists alternatively trace their genealogy back to theZapatista uprising, campaigns against the North American Free Trade(NAFTA) and Multilateral Investment (MAI) Agreements, student-based anticorporateactivism, and radical anarchist-inspired direct action, bringingtogether traditions from the United States, Great Britain, Italy, and Germany,among others. Indeed, Seattle was the third Global Day of Action looselycoordinated through the People’s Global Action (PGA) network, which wasfounded in 1998 by grassroots movements that had taken part in the secondZapatista-inspired Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and AgainstNeoliberalism organized in Spain the year before. 6 However, when thesediverse historical trajectories came together, the result was an entirely newphenomenon bigger than the sum of its parts.On the one hand, the “Battle of Seattle,” packaged as a prime-time imageevent (Deluca, 1999), cascaded through global mediascapes (Appadurai,1996), capturing the imagination of long-time activists and would-be postmodernrevolutionaries alike. On the other hand, activists followed the eventsin Seattle and beyond through Internet-based distribution lists, websites, andthe newly created Independent Media Center. 7 New networks quicklyemerged, such as the Continental Direct Action Network (DAN) in NorthAmerica, 8 or the Movement for Global Resistance (MRG) in Catalonia, 9where my own field research was based, while already existing globalnetworks such as PGA, the International Movement for Democratic Control ofFinancial Markets and their Institutions (ATTAC), or Via Campesina alsoplayed crucial roles during these early formative stages. Although morediffuse, decentralized, all-channel formations (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 2001),such as DAN or MRG, proved difficult to sustain over time, they providedconcrete mechanisms for generating physical and virtual communication andcoordination in real time among diverse movements, groups, and collectives.Global justice movements have largely grown and expanded through theorganization of mass mobilizations, including highly confrontational direct

344 Jeffrey S. Jurisactions and counter-summit forums against multilateral institutions. The anti-WTO protests were a huge success, and everywhere activists wanted to createthe “next Seattle.” Mass mobilizations offer concrete goals around which toorganize, while they also provide physical spaces where activists meet, virtualnetworks are embodied, meanings and representations are produced andcontested, and where political values are ritually enacted. Public events canbroadly be seen as “culturally constituted foci for information-processing”(Handelman, 1990: 16), while direct actions, in particular, generate intenseemotional energy (Collins, 2001), stimulating continuing networking withinpublic and submerged spheres. Activists organized a second mass protestagainst the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) inWashington, DC on April 16, 2000, and went truly global during the subsequentmobilization against the World Bank/IMF in Prague on September 26,2000. Protesters came from around Europe, including large contingents fromSpain, Italy, Germany, and Britain, and other parts of the world, including theUnited States, Latin America, and South Asia. Solidarity actions were held incities throughout Europe, North and South America, and parts of Asia andAfrica. 10The first World Social Forum (WSF), organized in Porto Alegre, Brazil, inlate January 2001, coinciding with the World Economic Forum, represented animportant turning point, as movements for global justice began to more clearlyemphasize alternatives to corporate globalization. 11 The unexpected success ofthe first WSF was magnified during the subsequent two editions, which drew70,000 and 100,000 people from around the world, respectively. Much morethan a conference, the WSF constitutes a dynamic process, involving theconvergence of multiple networks, movements, and organizations. WhereasPGA remains more radical, horizontal, and broadly libertarian, 12 the WSF is awider political space, including both newer decentralized network-basedmovements and more hierarchical forces of the traditional left. Meanwhile,mass actions continued to intensify and expand during the spring and summerof 2001, including the anti-FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) protestsin Quebec and increasingly militant actions against the European Union inGothenburg, the World Bank in Barcelona, and the G8 summit in Genoa,where widespread police violence culminated in the death of an Italian activistand a brutal night-time raid on the Independent Media Center. Mass marchesand rallies the following day brought 350,000 protesters onto the streets ofGenoa, and hundreds of thousands more around Italy.US-based global justice movements, which were severely shaken by theSeptember 11 attacks, re-emerged when activists shifted their attention fromthe war in Iraq back toward corporate globalization, leading to mass mobilizationsagainst the WTO in Cancun and the FTAA summit in Miami duringthe fall of 2003. In the rest of the world, mobilizations continued to grow after

Networked social movements 343November 30, 1999. A diverse coalition of environmental, labor, andeconomic justice activists succeeded in shutting down the meetings andpreventing another round of trade liberalization talks. Media ima<strong>ge</strong>s of giantpuppets, tear gas, and street clashes between protesters and the police werebroadcast throughout the world, bringing both the WTO and a novel form ofcollective action into public view. Seattle became a symbol and a battle cry fora new <strong>ge</strong>neration of activists, as anti-corporate globalization networks wereenergized around the globe. Diverse networks and historical processesconver<strong>ge</strong>d in Seattle, producing a new model of social protest, involving directaction, NGO-based forums, labor marches and rallies, independent media, andthe articulation of economic justice, environmental, feminist, labor, and internationalsolidarity activism.Global justice activists alternatively trace their <strong>ge</strong>nealogy back to theZapatista uprising, campaigns against the North American Free Trade(NAFTA) and Multilateral Investment (MAI) Agreements, student-based anticorporateactivism, and radical anarchist-inspired direct action, bringingto<strong>ge</strong>ther traditions from the United States, Great Britain, Italy, and Germany,among others. Indeed, Seattle was the third Global Day of Action looselycoordinated through the People’s Global Action (PGA) network, which wasfounded in 1998 by grassroots movements that had taken part in the secondZapatista-inspired Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and AgainstNeoliberalism organized in Spain the year before. 6 However, when thesediverse historical trajectories came to<strong>ge</strong>ther, the result was an entirely newphenomenon big<strong>ge</strong>r than the sum of its parts.On the one hand, the “Battle of Seattle,” packa<strong>ge</strong>d as a prime-time ima<strong>ge</strong>event (Deluca, 1999), cascaded through global mediascapes (Appadurai,1996), capturing the imagination of long-time activists and would-be postmodernrevolutionaries alike. On the other hand, activists followed the eventsin Seattle and beyond through Internet-based distribution lists, websites, andthe newly created Independent Media Center. 7 New networks quicklyemer<strong>ge</strong>d, such as the Continental Direct Action Network (DAN) in NorthAmerica, 8 or the Movement for Global Resistance (MRG) in Catalonia, 9where my own field research was based, while already existing globalnetworks such as PGA, the International Movement for Democratic Control ofFinancial Markets and their Institutions (ATTAC), or Via Campesina alsoplayed crucial roles during these early formative sta<strong>ge</strong>s. Although morediffuse, decentralized, all-channel formations (Arquilla and Ronfeldt, 2001),such as DAN or MRG, proved difficult to sustain over time, they providedconcrete mechanisms for <strong>ge</strong>nerating physical and virtual communication andcoordination in real time among diverse movements, groups, and collectives.Global justice movements have lar<strong>ge</strong>ly grown and expanded through theorganization of mass mobilizations, including highly confrontational direct

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