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The digital divide in Detroit 265percentage is much higher, with employment in high-paying manufacturingjobs available to some African Americans.Additionally, in an effort to revitalize the city – which stayed stagnant forsome decades after the 1967 riot – major new investments have been made.Not the least of these is the signature urban redevelopment project, theRenaissance Center, now home to the headquarters of General Motors.Additionally, an entertainment complex is growing in downtown Detroit,including an opera house, Ford Field (for football’s Detroit Lions), ComercaPark (for baseball’s Detroit Tigers), various casinos, and other theaters (suchas a remodeled Fox Theater). Perhaps most symbolic of the passing of oneeconomic era and the advent of another is that a major new office tower indowntown Detroit is home to Compuware, a leading developer and providerof software applications for business, which opened in 2003 and bringshundreds of high-tech jobs back from the suburbs to downtown Detroit. To theextent that Detroit has a local symbol of the informatics economy, the physicalpresence of that entity has just moved to the city center, a site emptied outby racial tension, socioeconomic division, and the collapse of the old economy.Might, in fact, the informatics economy be an agency for the rebirth andreconstruction of one of America’s quintessentially troubled manufacturingcities? And are there any potentially “leveling” consequences of Internet usagein metropolitan areas as polarized as Detroit’s? Our data suggest cautious optimism.First, the digital divide that exists in Detroit is not primarily structuredby race; rather, it is structured mainly by income, education, age, and workstatus. Young, educated, and employed African Americans are vastly morelikely to be frequent computer and Internet users than are older, less welleducated and retired or unemployed African Americans. Education is generatingopportunity among the young. Second, a revealing datum in table 11.4pertains to the use of the Internet by African Americans. Sixty-six percent ofAfrican American Internet users used the Internet to “look for a new job orexplore career opportunities” versus 43 percent for non-black Internet users.This fact is crucial in a city that lacks an effective public transportation systemto connect suburbs and inner city. 7 Knowing where the jobs are is essential topursuing jobs. A significant part of social exclusion is employment based. TheInternet appears already, in metropolitan Detroit, to be affording a tool withwhich to attack this dimension of social exclusion.Finally, and perhaps most hopefully, our multivariate analysis in table 11.5suggests that using the Internet and using e-mail helps to break down isolationand exclusion. E-mail users in the metropolitan Detroit region are significantlymore likely than non-users to visit the homes of people living outside theirneighborhood (or have them visit their homes), and they are significantly morelikely to visit the home of someone of a different race (or have them visit their
266 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. Colemanown homes). This contribution is statistically independent of income, education,age, suburban versus inner-city residence, and other possible determinantsof these social interactions.There is a public policy implication here. Metropolitan Detroit is the mostracially segregated and isolated city in the United States. Recent budgetarycrises in state government have led to cutbacks in public investments incomputers for classrooms. This may be precisely the kind of decision that reinforces,rather than reduces, social exclusion in a manufacturing state trying toadjust to the informatics economy. Public investments (via tax subsidies) havelured major industries back to downtown Detroit. But the presence of hightechjobs will not suffice to erode social exclusion until public investment ineducational opportunity for the young subverts a digital divide that persists onthe basis of education, income, and employment.ACKNOWLEDGMENTSThe data reported in this study come from 2003 Detroit Area Study (principalinvestigator, Wayne Baker), which was funded in part by the Russell SageFoundation. We are grateful to Jim Lepkowski, Director of the Institute forSocial Research Survey Methodology Program, for technical advice and assistancewith the construction of sample weights, and to Sang Yun Lee for assistancewith data imputation.NOTES1. n = 508, based on a multi-stage area probability sample of residents living in the Detroit threecountyregion (Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb). Sampling weights were constructed toaccount for variation in probabilities of selection and non-response rates, and to adjust sampleresults to match known US Census totals for the Detroit three-county region for age, gender,and race. The probabilities of selection varied because a single adult was selected from eachhousehold, in effect over-representing in the sample persons who live in households withfewer adults. Non-response rates were higher in some areas than others, and the inverse of theresponse rates in sample areas was used as an adjustment factor. Post-stratification weightswere developed so that the final weighted estimates agreed with census distributions by age,gender, and race for the metropolitan area. A rescaled final weight, which is the product of allthree adjustments, was computed which sums to the unweighted sample size of 508. Allanalyses employ the final rescaled weight in computation. Missing data for key variableswere imputed using IVEware, which performs imputations of missing values using thesequential regression imputation method (Raghunathan et al., 2001).2. Our odds ratios on the effects of income are higher than those derived from national level datareported by DiMaggio et al. (2004) because our lowest income category (under $20,000) islower than the $20,000–$20,999 category employed by the Current Population Study. Hence,the contrast is greater.3. In analyzing the effects of age, we have created two dummy variables for youth (18–25) andmiddle-age (26–54). Their coefficients should be interpreted as the effect of an individual
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- Page 253 and 254: 232 Keith N. HamptonSouthern Califo
- Page 255 and 256: 234 Manuel Castells et al.this stud
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- Page 261 and 262: 240 Manuel Castells et al.Table 10.
- Page 263 and 264: 242 Manuel Castells et al.way behin
- Page 265 and 266: 244 Manuel Castells et al.by radio.
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266 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. Colemanown homes). This contribution is statistically independent of income, education,a<strong>ge</strong>, suburban versus inner-city residence, and other possible determinantsof these social interactions.There is a public policy implication here. Metropolitan Detroit is the mostracially segregated and isolated city in the United States. Recent bud<strong>ge</strong>tarycrises in state government have led to cutbacks in public investments incomputers for classrooms. This may be precisely the kind of decision that reinforces,rather than reduces, social exclusion in a manufacturing state trying toadjust to the informatics economy. Public investments (via tax subsidies) havelured major industries back to downtown Detroit. But the presence of hightechjobs will not suffice to erode social exclusion until public investment ineducational opportunity for the young subverts a digital divide that persists onthe basis of education, income, and employment.ACKNOWLEDGMENTSThe data reported in this study come from 2003 Detroit Area Study (principalinvestigator, Wayne Baker), which was funded in part by the Russell Sa<strong>ge</strong>Foundation. We are grateful to Jim Lepkowski, Director of the Institute forSocial Research Survey Methodology Program, for technical advice and assistancewith the construction of sample weights, and to Sang Yun Lee for assistancewith data imputation.NOTES1. n = 508, based on a multi-sta<strong>ge</strong> area probability sample of residents living in the Detroit threecountyregion (Wayne, Oakland, and Macomb). Sampling weights were constructed toaccount for variation in probabilities of selection and non-response rates, and to adjust sampleresults to match known US Census totals for the Detroit three-county region for a<strong>ge</strong>, <strong>ge</strong>nder,and race. The probabilities of selection varied because a single adult was selected from eachhousehold, in effect over-representing in the sample persons who live in households withfewer adults. Non-response rates were higher in some areas than others, and the inverse of theresponse rates in sample areas was used as an adjustment factor. Post-stratification weightswere developed so that the final weighted estimates agreed with census distributions by a<strong>ge</strong>,<strong>ge</strong>nder, and race for the metropolitan area. A rescaled final weight, which is the product of allthree adjustments, was computed which sums to the unweighted sample size of 508. Allanalyses employ the final rescaled weight in computation. Missing data for key variableswere imputed using IVEware, which performs imputations of missing values using thesequential regression imputation method (Raghunathan et al., 2001).2. Our odds ratios on the effects of income are higher than those derived from national level datareported by DiMaggio et al. (2004) because our lowest income category (under $20,000) islower than the $20,000–$20,999 category employed by the Current Population Study. Hence,the contrast is greater.3. In analyzing the effects of a<strong>ge</strong>, we have created two dummy variables for youth (18–25) andmiddle-a<strong>ge</strong> (26–54). Their coefficients should be interpreted as the effect of an individual