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11. Racial segregation and the digitaldivide in the Detroit metropolitanregionWayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. ColemanThe city of Detroit and its suburbs comprise one of the most racially segregatedregions in the United States. Does the digital divide mirror thisfundamental fact about the social structure and culture of the area? Pastresearch has demonstrated a social network diffusion effect: generally,people are more likely to own and use computers, as well as use theInternet, if their friends and neighbors already do so (for example, Lenhart,2000; Goolsbee and Klenow, 2002; DiMaggio et al., 2004). If computerand Internet usage varies by location and race, then the racial divide couldbe the basis of a persisting digital divide. Using data from the 2003 DetroitArea Study, we examine this hypothesis by analyzing computer andInternet usage in the city of Detroit and the three counties that make up themetropolitan region. 1After a brief description of the Detroit region, we focus on patterns ofcomputer and Internet usage by the key variables included in the NationalTelecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) studies of thedigital divide: location, employment status, income, education, race, age,gender, and family structure (NTIA, 2000, 2002; DiMaggio et al., 2004).We conclude by analyzing the impact of computer and Internet usage onovercoming social and geographic barriers, focusing on two key indicatorsof social capital: whether a respondent has been in the home of someone ofa different neighborhood (or had them in his or her home) in the past twelvemonths, and whether a respondent has been in the home of someone of adifferent race (or had them in his or her home) in the same time frame(Putnam, 2000; Social Capital Benchmark Survey, 2000).249
250 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. ColemanTHE DETROIT METROPOLITAN REGION:BACKGROUNDDetroit is a quintessentially North American city. As Farley and co-authors(2000) describe, the explosive growth of automobile manufacturing in thetwentieth century transformed Detroit from just another large Midwesterntown in 1908 to the fastest growing city in the United States by 1920. A seriesof sequential, but overlapping, developments underpinned this growth: HenryFord’s pioneering of assembly-line production techniques in 1908, the growthof demand for trucks in World War I, extensive public investment in roadbuilding in the postwar era, the need for aircraft in World War II, and evengreater public investments in road building via the interstate-highway systemafter the Second World War. For some decades, Detroit was the fourth largestcity in the United States, following New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles.While racial tensions periodically erupted between Euro-Americans andAfrican Americans in Detroit, the eventual unionization of the automobile andancillary supplier industries eventually created a situation where AfricanAmericans profited from the manufacturing economy. For many, includingAfrican Americans lured from the American South in search of employment,Detroit represented opportunity.Yet Detroit has always been a divided city. And race has always matteredto one’s life chances in Detroit. As the twentieth century wound down, Detroitlooked more and more like the quintessentially troubled American city.Symbolic of Detroit divided was the riot of 1967, among the first of a seriesof American urban disturbances that seemed contagious in 1967 and 1968. Butthe signs of trouble were more widespread than that particular manifestationof rebellion against urban stratification and racism. The auto industry wasalready in trouble by the 1960s. As Farley et al. (2000: 8) note:Automobile firms and their suppliers shifted jobs, sometimes to the suburbs, sometimesto other parts of the United States or other countries. Because wage rates inDetroit were so high, plants that remained were retooled and modernized.Employment opportunities for unskilled workers declined dramatically, and by themid-1960s, in-migration from the South had ceased.Given racial tension after the 1967 riot and longer-term economic trends, Detroitbecame a city transformed. Its white population fell from 1.5 million in 1950 to220,000 in 1990, and in the 1990s Detroit even lost population. In an informalsense, Detroit came to represent an American-style racial apartheid. Few lawsheld populations apart, but racial fears and attitudes, as well as the unequaldistribution of skills and opportunity in a rapidly changing economy, conspiredto produce an equally devastating set of apartheid-like effects.
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- Page 255 and 256: 234 Manuel Castells et al.this stud
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250 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. ColemanTHE DETROIT METROPOLITAN REGION:BACKGROUNDDetroit is a quintessentially North American city. As Farley and co-authors(2000) describe, the explosive growth of automobile manufacturing in thetwentieth century transformed Detroit from just another lar<strong>ge</strong> Midwesterntown in 1908 to the fastest growing city in the United States by 1920. A seriesof sequential, but overlapping, developments underpinned this growth: HenryFord’s pioneering of assembly-line production techniques in 1908, the growthof demand for trucks in World War I, extensive public investment in roadbuilding in the postwar era, the need for aircraft in World War II, and evengreater public investments in road building via the interstate-highway systemafter the Second World War. For some decades, Detroit was the fourth lar<strong>ge</strong>stcity in the United States, following New York, Chicago, and Los An<strong>ge</strong>les.While racial tensions periodically erupted between Euro-Americans andAfrican Americans in Detroit, the eventual unionization of the automobile andancillary supplier industries eventually created a situation where AfricanAmericans profited from the manufacturing economy. For many, includingAfrican Americans lured from the American South in search of employment,Detroit represented opportunity.Yet Detroit has always been a divided city. And race has always matteredto one’s life chances in Detroit. As the twentieth century wound down, Detroitlooked more and more like the quintessentially troubled American city.Symbolic of Detroit divided was the riot of 1967, among the first of a seriesof American urban disturbances that seemed contagious in 1967 and 1968. Butthe signs of trouble were more widespread than that particular manifestationof rebellion against urban stratification and racism. The auto industry wasalready in trouble by the 1960s. As Farley et al. (2000: 8) note:Automobile firms and their suppliers shifted jobs, sometimes to the suburbs, sometimesto other parts of the United States or other countries. Because wa<strong>ge</strong> rates inDetroit were so high, plants that remained were retooled and modernized.Employment opportunities for unskilled workers declined dramatically, and by themid-1960s, in-migration from the South had ceased.Given racial tension after the 1967 riot and lon<strong>ge</strong>r-term economic trends, Detroitbecame a city transformed. Its white population fell from 1.5 million in 1950 to220,000 in 1990, and in the 1990s Detroit even lost population. In an informalsense, Detroit came to represent an American-style racial apartheid. Few lawsheld populations apart, but racial fears and attitudes, as well as the unequaldistribution of skills and opportunity in a rapidly changing economy, conspiredto produce an equally devastating set of apartheid-like effects.