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The network society in Catalonia 241low level of political participation in Catalonia as everywhere else. True, thereis a mobilized minority (for example, anti-globalization militants) for whomthe Internet is very important, but this is only a fraction of the population.The specificity of Internet use in Catalonia underscores the specificity ofCatalan society. The use of the Internet for sociability is not widespreadbecause face-to-face sociability is very intense and facilitated by a stronglocalization of family and friendship ties in the territorial vicinity. Workrelatedactivities are limited, except for students and professionals, becauseuse of the Internet in the business world is not extended to the majority of theworkforce. The potential demand for the facility to manage public services onthe Internet is frustrated by the lack of a sufficient offer of online services fromthe public sector.In sum, the uses of the Internet, and their social structuration by the characteristicsof Internet users, reflect, at the same time, the values and practicesof people in their lives and the organizational and cultural framework thatcharacterizes Catalonia in contrast to other societies.CULTURAL IDENTITY AND THE CONSTRUCTION OFMEANING IN THE INTERNETOne of the most debated themes in international research is the potential valueof the Internet as a medium for the expression of cultural identity (Castells,2001). Catalonia offers a particularly interesting field of study becausenational identity (in contrast to the dominant officialdom of Spain) is anentrenched feature of Catalan society, a society that has preserved its ownlanguage and culture throughout history in spite of suffering centuries oflinguistic and cultural repression from the Spanish government, at leastbetween 1714 and 1980. Therefore, we studied the current expression of identityin Catalan society in order to assess the specific role of the Internet in theconstruction and development of this identity.However, we differentiated multiple dimensions of identity and tried toassess the relative weight of national identity as a source of cultural meaning.Indeed, according to our data, when people are confronted with a choice ofself-definition in terms of national-cultural belonging, only 19.7 percent feelpredominantly Spanish, whereas 37.5 percent feel predominantly Catalan,with 36.2 percent feeling equally Catalan and Spanish, and 6.6 percent who donot feel either Catalan or Spanish. But this predominant feeling of beingCatalan, or as much Catalan as Spanish, does not become the primary sourceof construction of meaning for people. We asked our sample to opt for oneprimary identity from a long, detailed list of possibilities. The majority ofpeople (56 percent) identified themselves primarily with their family. A long
242 Manuel Castells et al.way behind, in second position, came those who asserted “themselves” as theprimary source of meaning for them (8.7 percent). Identification with countrywas only recorded as the choice of 2.5 percent, and with the culture of thecountry as the choice of 4.7 percent. Professional identity was chosen by 5.1percent, and age group was the primary identity for only 4.9 percent. In otherwords, family relationship and individualism appear to be the primarysources of meaning for people, in line with recorded observation in otherEuropean countries. Religion, in contrast to the United States, is the primarysource of meaning for a mere 2.5 percent of respondents.Our findings are reinforced by an analysis of linguistic practice. Whilepractically everybody understands Catalan, and the younger generation isfully trained in Catalan, 44.3 percent of the population consider Spanish theirprimary language, versus 41.1 percent who consider Catalan as theirlanguage, with 14.6 percent declaring themselves bilingual.Our data also show that the younger group, which is the one group fullyfluent in Catalan because it has been educated in Catalan, is the group thatmost often uses Spanish at home and with friends. So, in other words, whilethe majority of the population of Catalonia consider themselves eitherCatalan or as much Catalan as Spanish, this is not their primary source ofidentity, and the use of the Catalan language is still second to Spanish, particularlyamong the younger generation. Thus, we observe a bilingual society inwhich most people, and particularly the younger generation, do not attachsymbolic importance to the matter of speaking Catalan. What does this findingmean?Our interpretation requires the distinction between what we call “resistanceidentity” and “project identity” (Castells, 2004: ch. 1). Resistance identityrefers to the construction of autonomous meaning with the materials ofhistorical experience to counter social–cultural domination. By project identity,we mean the affirmation of a collective project to achieve certain socialgoals as the expression of a cultural community of shared experience.Catalonia, having suffered the political and cultural domination of Spain fromthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, built a resistance identity that foundits expression in modern Catalan nationalism between the end of the nineteenthcentury and the end of the twentieth. With the coming of democracy inSpain in 1977, Catalonia achieved recognition of its identity in a Statute ofAutonomy approved in 1980, which made some self-government possibleand the widespread use of the Catalan language in education, in publicadministration, and in the media owned by the Catalan government, such asradio and television. Therefore, to speak Catalan, to assert Catalan specificity,and to live in Catalonia became normal practice, particularly for the generationborn into democracy.Resistance identity faded by and large because it was no longer needed as
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- Page 251 and 252: 230 Keith N. HamptonREFERENCESAngsi
- Page 253 and 254: 232 Keith N. HamptonSouthern Califo
- Page 255 and 256: 234 Manuel Castells et al.this stud
- Page 257 and 258: 236 Manuel Castells et al.On the ot
- Page 259 and 260: 238 Manuel Castells et al.friends a
- Page 261: 240 Manuel Castells et al.Table 10.
- Page 265 and 266: 244 Manuel Castells et al.by radio.
- Page 267 and 268: 246 Manuel Castells et al.The six t
- Page 269 and 270: 248 Manuel Castells et al.that belo
- Page 271 and 272: 250 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. C
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- Page 283 and 284: Table 11.5Logistic coefficients fro
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242 Manuel Castells et al.way behind, in second position, came those who asserted “themselves” as theprimary source of meaning for them (8.7 percent). Identification with countrywas only recorded as the choice of 2.5 percent, and with the culture of thecountry as the choice of 4.7 percent. Professional identity was chosen by 5.1percent, and a<strong>ge</strong> group was the primary identity for only 4.9 percent. In otherwords, family relationship and individualism appear to be the primarysources of meaning for people, in line with recorded observation in otherEuropean countries. Religion, in contrast to the United States, is the primarysource of meaning for a mere 2.5 percent of respondents.Our findings are reinforced by an analysis of linguistic practice. Whilepractically everybody understands Catalan, and the youn<strong>ge</strong>r <strong>ge</strong>neration isfully trained in Catalan, 44.3 percent of the population consider Spanish theirprimary langua<strong>ge</strong>, versus 41.1 percent who consider Catalan as theirlangua<strong>ge</strong>, with 14.6 percent declaring themselves bilingual.Our data also show that the youn<strong>ge</strong>r group, which is the one group fullyfluent in Catalan because it has been educated in Catalan, is the group thatmost often uses Spanish at home and with friends. So, in other words, whilethe majority of the population of Catalonia consider themselves eitherCatalan or as much Catalan as Spanish, this is not their primary source ofidentity, and the use of the Catalan langua<strong>ge</strong> is still second to Spanish, particularlyamong the youn<strong>ge</strong>r <strong>ge</strong>neration. Thus, we observe a bilingual society inwhich most people, and particularly the youn<strong>ge</strong>r <strong>ge</strong>neration, do not attachsymbolic importance to the matter of speaking Catalan. What does this findingmean?Our interpretation requires the distinction between what we call “resistanceidentity” and “project identity” (Castells, 2004: ch. 1). Resistance identityrefers to the construction of autonomous meaning with the materials ofhistorical experience to counter social–cultural domination. By project identity,we mean the affirmation of a collective project to achieve certain socialgoals as the expression of a cultural community of shared experience.Catalonia, having suffered the political and cultural domination of Spain fromthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, built a resistance identity that foundits expression in modern Catalan nationalism between the end of the nineteenthcentury and the end of the twentieth. With the coming of democracy inSpain in 1977, Catalonia achieved recognition of its identity in a Statute ofAutonomy approved in 1980, which made some self-government possibleand the widespread use of the Catalan langua<strong>ge</strong> in education, in publicadministration, and in the media owned by the Catalan government, such asradio and television. Therefore, to speak Catalan, to assert Catalan specificity,and to live in Catalonia became normal practice, particularly for the <strong>ge</strong>nerationborn into democracy.Resistance identity faded by and lar<strong>ge</strong> because it was no lon<strong>ge</strong>r needed as