Untitled - socium.ge
Untitled - socium.ge Untitled - socium.ge
Networked sociability online, off-line 227could play an important role in supporting relations both on- and off-line, itwas desirable not only to conduct detailed interviews with residents, but toconduct an ethnography and observe everyday life in the wired neighborhood.From October 1997 to August 1999, an ethnography was conducted from abasement apartment in Netville. This apartment provided access to the sameinformation and communication technologies available to other “wired”Netville residents and made it possible to work from home, participate inonline activities, attend all possible local meetings (formal and informal), andwalk the neighborhood, chatting and observing. The relationship betweenonline, virtual interactions and “real-life,” place-based encounters wasobserved on the screen, on the streets, and through a survey of local residents.Netville’s wired and non-wired residents were found to be remarkablysimilar in terms of lifestyle, stage in the life-cycle, and the length of time theyhad lived in Netville (Hampton, 2001: 64–5). What was remarkably differentabout wired residents was the structure of their local social networks.Residents were presented with a list of all other adult residents within Netvilleand were asked to identify those they recognized by name and their frequencyof interaction. This survey confirmed what was revealed on the computerscreens of neighborhood homes. “I have walked around the neighborhood a lotlately and I have noticed a few things. I have noticed neighbors talking to eachother like they have been friends for a long time. I have noticed a closenessthat you don’t see in many communities” (quote from the Netville neighborhoode-mail list, 1998).Compared to non-wired residents, wired residents recognized three times asmany of their neighbors (averaging 25.2 neighbors), talked to twice as manyneighbors on a regular basis (averaging 6.4 neighbors), and in the previousthree months had visited 50 percent more of their neighbors (averaging 4.8neighbors) (Hampton and Wellman, 2003). Not only were they communicatingover the Internet and in person, but wired residents also sent an average offour personal e-mails to their neighbors in the previous month, and made fourtimes as many local phone calls as their non-wired counterparts.While wired Netville residents averaged greater name recognition, visiting,and frequency of communication with their neighbors, when statisticalcontrols were introduced for demographic characteristics, such as age, gender,education, and tenure of residence, it became apparent that access to Netville’svirtual domain had the greatest effect on relatively weak neighborhood ties(Hampton, 2003). Indeed, most North Americans do not have a large numberof strong ties at the neighborhood level (Wellman, 1979; Fischer, 1982). It issimply more convenient to form social relations with similar others outside ofthe neighborhood setting. Access to computer-mediated communication inNetville was primarily successful in affording frequent social contact with ahigh number of what were comparatively weak social ties. What might not be
228 Keith N. Hamptonimmediately apparent is that weak ties have been shown to be a valuable formof social capital. They provide access to diverse social circles that are separatefrom more “homophilious” strong tie networks. At an individual level, theyprovide a bridge to resources that would otherwise be unavailable, such as jobinformation (Granovetter, 1995). At a group level, they are an important factorin the ability of communities to mobilize collectively (Granovetter, 1973).Wired Netville residents were very successful in their ability to organize forcollective action, on- and off-line. When faced with concerns about the qualityof construction of their new homes, and the rate at which the housingdeveloper was addressing problems, residents organized and discussed strategiesonline, and met off-line to pressure the developer into addressing theirproblems and concerns (Hampton, 2003). When the telecommunicationsconsortium that provided their broadband local computer network decided toend access to their free Internet services and remove the technology from residents’homes, wired residents again took to their screens and sidewalks in anattempt to pressure the consortium into reversing their decision. While theywere ultimately not successful in reversing the consortium’s decision to endthe trial, residents did organize two community meetings, one at a local schooland another at a nearby community center, and exchanged nearly a hundred e-mail messages through the neighborhood e-mail list in the first four weeks oforganizing (compared to 260 messages during the previous 16 months).Residents were also successful in preserving the two features of their “wiredneighborhood” that they valued the most: high-speed web access (offered at aslight discount from a competing telecommunications company) and theneighborhood e-mail list. (For a complete discussion and examples of collectiveaction in Netville, see Hampton, 2003.)When computer-mediated communication is used to facilitate local interactionsneighborhood community may flourish. Indeed, as much as theInternet may afford local place-based interactions, the opposite may also betrue: off-line neighborhood relationships may facilitate new online relations(Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2001). Still, there are barriers that reduce widespreadInternet affordances of new neighborhood interactions. Low Internetadoption rates, particularly in neighborhoods of lower socioeconomic status,and an inability to locate local information (such as a directory of neighborhoodresidents; see Resnick and Shah, 2002) impedes local interaction, onandoff-line. The community networking movement (see Kretzmann andMcKnight 1993; Beamish 1999) and websites such as UpMyStreet.com in theUK, and i-neighbors.org in North America, provide forums that introduceneighbors, local e-mail directories, and other services to help overcome theinitial constraints to IT-mediated interactions. This does not mean that theInternet can facilitate place-based community in all neighborhood settings.Some neighborhoods are involved to the point that the Internet bridges no
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- Page 251 and 252: 230 Keith N. HamptonREFERENCESAngsi
- Page 253 and 254: 232 Keith N. HamptonSouthern Califo
- Page 255 and 256: 234 Manuel Castells et al.this stud
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- Page 261 and 262: 240 Manuel Castells et al.Table 10.
- Page 263 and 264: 242 Manuel Castells et al.way behin
- Page 265 and 266: 244 Manuel Castells et al.by radio.
- Page 267 and 268: 246 Manuel Castells et al.The six t
- Page 269 and 270: 248 Manuel Castells et al.that belo
- Page 271 and 272: 250 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. C
- Page 273 and 274: 252 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. C
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- Page 277 and 278: 256 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. C
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228 Keith N. Hamptonimmediately apparent is that weak ties have been shown to be a valuable formof social capital. They provide access to diverse social circles that are separatefrom more “homophilious” strong tie networks. At an individual level, theyprovide a brid<strong>ge</strong> to resources that would otherwise be unavailable, such as jobinformation (Granovetter, 1995). At a group level, they are an important factorin the ability of communities to mobilize collectively (Granovetter, 1973).Wired Netville residents were very successful in their ability to organize forcollective action, on- and off-line. When faced with concerns about the qualityof construction of their new homes, and the rate at which the housingdeveloper was addressing problems, residents organized and discussed strategiesonline, and met off-line to pressure the developer into addressing theirproblems and concerns (Hampton, 2003). When the telecommunicationsconsortium that provided their broadband local computer network decided toend access to their free Internet services and remove the technology from residents’homes, wired residents again took to their screens and sidewalks in anattempt to pressure the consortium into reversing their decision. While theywere ultimately not successful in reversing the consortium’s decision to endthe trial, residents did organize two community meetings, one at a local schooland another at a nearby community center, and exchan<strong>ge</strong>d nearly a hundred e-mail messa<strong>ge</strong>s through the neighborhood e-mail list in the first four weeks oforganizing (compared to 260 messa<strong>ge</strong>s during the previous 16 months).Residents were also successful in preserving the two features of their “wiredneighborhood” that they valued the most: high-speed web access (offered at aslight discount from a competing telecommunications company) and theneighborhood e-mail list. (For a complete discussion and examples of collectiveaction in Netville, see Hampton, 2003.)When computer-mediated communication is used to facilitate local interactionsneighborhood community may flourish. Indeed, as much as theInternet may afford local place-based interactions, the opposite may also betrue: off-line neighborhood relationships may facilitate new online relations(Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2001). Still, there are barriers that reduce widespreadInternet affordances of new neighborhood interactions. Low Internetadoption rates, particularly in neighborhoods of lower socioeconomic status,and an inability to locate local information (such as a directory of neighborhoodresidents; see Resnick and Shah, 2002) impedes local interaction, onandoff-line. The community networking movement (see Kretzmann andMcKnight 1993; Beamish 1999) and websites such as UpMyStreet.com in theUK, and i-neighbors.org in North America, provide forums that introduceneighbors, local e-mail directories, and other services to help overcome theinitial constraints to IT-mediated interactions. This does not mean that theInternet can facilitate place-based community in all neighborhood settings.Some neighborhoods are involved to the point that the Internet brid<strong>ge</strong>s no