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Networked sociability online, off-line 225also shifting interaction out of the public realm and into homes and otherprivate spheres of interaction?LOCAL AFFORDANCES OF THE INTERNETConcerns about the decline of community as a result of growing urbanizationwere only curtailed as it was accepted that supportive community relationscould be found outside the neighborhood setting (Wellman, 1999). While thisdid not preclude the possibility that people could form close neighborhoodattachments, it did suggest that the availability of a large, heterogeneous urbanpopulation allowed people to place similarity of interest over similarity ofsetting when selecting social ties (Fischer, 1975). The Internet radicallyexpands on this earlier trend, providing access to an even larger, more heterogeneouspopulation. However, there is a paradox in how the Internet shapessocial relations. While computer-mediated communication further reduces thefriction of space, it can also afford local interactions.The availability of a large, diverse urban population and, more recently, alarge, diverse online population, with subcultures that match every interest, isonly part of the explanation as to why people tend to develop few strongneighborhood ties. Access is equally as important as social similarity in determiningthe likelihood of tie formation. The pattern of social relations knownas “homophily” – the tendency for people to form social ties with those whoare similar to themselves – has as much to do with people’s desire to associatewith similar others as it does with a tendency for similar people to participatein common activities (Feld, 1982; McPherson et al., 2001). NorthAmerican neighborhoods generally lack institutional opportunities for socialcontact, and those institutions that do exist to promote local interaction (cafés,bars, community organizations, and so on) are in decline (Oldenburg, 1989;Putnam, 2000), and in many cases are absent from the suburban setting(Jacobs, 1961). There are simply too few opportunities for people to form localsocial ties.What the Internet offers – that existing forms of communication do not – isa way of overcoming barriers to local tie formation. As neighborhood commonspaces, such as parks and community centers, can be used to increase local tieformation and community involvement (Kuo et al., 1998), the provision ofvirtual common places can afford similar interactions. However, sophisticatedonline communities that require participants to engage in real-time conversationsare generally not the answer (for example, chat rooms, virtual worlds,and so on). Online communities tend to be populated by only a small proportionof total Internet users and often require specialized knowledge andcomputer skills. The Internet’s potential to afford local interaction comes from
226 Keith N. Hamptonits ability to be used as an asynchronous form of communication that canengage others not only one-on-one, but as a broadcast of one-to-many.Asynchronous communication facilitates temporal flexibility: people canread and respond to communication at individually convenient times andplaces. Similarly, the broadcast ability of computer-mediated communicationremoves the costs associated with having to travel door to door in organizinglocal activities and in seeking local support. “Like a habitually-frequentedhangout, people show up at their email in-boxes and listen in on the happeningsof their communities, interjecting when appropriate, but often just observing”(Hampton and Wellman, 2003: 286). In fact, there is a growing body ofempirical evidence to suggest that the Internet supports “glocalization,” theadoption of global technologies like the Internet for local use. A survey of4,500 Internet users in nine countries by KRC Research (2003), commissionedby the Oracle Corporation, found that in France, Germany, Italy, and the US,one in every four e-mails never leaves the building in which it originated. Atthe residential level, it is the ability to observe the social happenings of a localcommunity, the ability to broadcast information to others, and the potential tocoordinate off-line activities through online interactions, where there exists thepotential for IT-mediated, place-based community.IT-MEDIATED, PLACE-BASED COMMUNITY: NETVILLE“Netville” is one example of how computer-mediated communication can beused to facilitate local involvement. 1 Indistinguishable in appearance frommost Canadian suburbs, what made this suburban neighborhood of detached,single-family homes notable in comparison to others in the Greater TorontoArea was that it was one of the first developments in the world to be built fromthe ground up with a broadband high-speed local network. Residents withaccess to the local computer network had free use of high-speed Web surfing(10 Mbps), a videophone, an online jukebox, online health services, a series ofonline entertainment and educational applications, and an e-mail discussionlist that allowed residents to broadcast messages to other neighborhood residents.While the intention of the housing developer was to connect all homesin Netville to the local computer network, of the 109 homes that comprised thecommunity, only 64 were ever connected. The remaining 45 households werenever connected to the network, despite assurances that they would beconnected, made at the time residents purchased their new homes.Netville was also unique in that it was the site of one of the first long-terminvestigations of how online communities influenced local place-basedcommunity. In an effort to recognize that online interactions where a subset ofthe total interactions that could take place within Netville, and that online ties
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- Page 203 and 204: 182 Chris BennerTable 7.2Indicators
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- Page 213 and 214: 192 Chris BennerFlexible labor mark
- Page 215 and 216: 194 Chris BennerAsaravala, Amit (20
- Page 217 and 218: 196 Chris BennerLave, Jean and Weng
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- Page 221 and 222: 200 Caitlin Zaloomthe bids and offe
- Page 223 and 224: 202 Caitlin Zaloomexchange, the bro
- Page 225 and 226: 204 Caitlin Zaloomrecently, the log
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- Page 239 and 240: 218 Keith N. Hampton“blasé attit
- Page 241 and 242: 220 Keith N. Hamptonerosion of the
- Page 243 and 244: 222 Keith N. Hamptonby the least ex
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- Page 249 and 250: 228 Keith N. Hamptonimmediately app
- Page 251 and 252: 230 Keith N. HamptonREFERENCESAngsi
- Page 253 and 254: 232 Keith N. HamptonSouthern Califo
- Page 255 and 256: 234 Manuel Castells et al.this stud
- Page 257 and 258: 236 Manuel Castells et al.On the ot
- Page 259 and 260: 238 Manuel Castells et al.friends a
- Page 261 and 262: 240 Manuel Castells et al.Table 10.
- Page 263 and 264: 242 Manuel Castells et al.way behin
- Page 265 and 266: 244 Manuel Castells et al.by radio.
- Page 267 and 268: 246 Manuel Castells et al.The six t
- Page 269 and 270: 248 Manuel Castells et al.that belo
- Page 271 and 272: 250 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. C
- Page 273 and 274: 252 Wayne E. Baker and Kenneth M. C
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Networked sociability online, off-line 225also shifting interaction out of the public realm and into homes and otherprivate spheres of interaction?LOCAL AFFORDANCES OF THE INTERNETConcerns about the decline of community as a result of growing urbanizationwere only curtailed as it was accepted that supportive community relationscould be found outside the neighborhood setting (Wellman, 1999). While thisdid not preclude the possibility that people could form close neighborhoodattachments, it did sug<strong>ge</strong>st that the availability of a lar<strong>ge</strong>, hetero<strong>ge</strong>neous urbanpopulation allowed people to place similarity of interest over similarity ofsetting when selecting social ties (Fischer, 1975). The Internet radicallyexpands on this earlier trend, providing access to an even lar<strong>ge</strong>r, more hetero<strong>ge</strong>neouspopulation. However, there is a paradox in how the Internet shapessocial relations. While computer-mediated communication further reduces thefriction of space, it can also afford local interactions.The availability of a lar<strong>ge</strong>, diverse urban population and, more recently, alar<strong>ge</strong>, diverse online population, with subcultures that match every interest, isonly part of the explanation as to why people tend to develop few strongneighborhood ties. Access is equally as important as social similarity in determiningthe likelihood of tie formation. The pattern of social relations knownas “homophily” – the tendency for people to form social ties with those whoare similar to themselves – has as much to do with people’s desire to associatewith similar others as it does with a tendency for similar people to participatein common activities (Feld, 1982; McPherson et al., 2001). NorthAmerican neighborhoods <strong>ge</strong>nerally lack institutional opportunities for socialcontact, and those institutions that do exist to promote local interaction (cafés,bars, community organizations, and so on) are in decline (Oldenburg, 1989;Putnam, 2000), and in many cases are absent from the suburban setting(Jacobs, 1961). There are simply too few opportunities for people to form localsocial ties.What the Internet offers – that existing forms of communication do not – isa way of overcoming barriers to local tie formation. As neighborhood commonspaces, such as parks and community centers, can be used to increase local tieformation and community involvement (Kuo et al., 1998), the provision ofvirtual common places can afford similar interactions. However, sophisticatedonline communities that require participants to enga<strong>ge</strong> in real-time conversationsare <strong>ge</strong>nerally not the answer (for example, chat rooms, virtual worlds,and so on). Online communities tend to be populated by only a small proportionof total Internet users and often require specialized knowled<strong>ge</strong> andcomputer skills. The Internet’s potential to afford local interaction comes from