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Networked sociability online, off-line 221one had previous in-home Internet or computer experience were eligible toparticipate. Participants were interviewed twice, a pre-test before theyreceived Internet access, and a post-test 12–24 months later. Kraut et al. (1998)concluded that the Internet was similar to the television in displacing timespent on more social activities. Internet use was associated with relativelysmall, but statistically significant declines in the amount of time familymembers spent communicating with each other, the size of participants’ localsocial networks, and psychological well-being. Kraut et al. (1998) also foundnegative, although not statistically significant, relationships between Internetuse and stress, the size of participants’ distant social networks, and the numberof people participants felt they could go to for social support.Norman Nie and Lutz Erbring (2000) lent support to the findings of Krautet al. (1998) in a panel survey of over two thousand Internet users. They foundthat 5 percent of Internet users reported spending less time at social events, 9percent spent less time with friends and family, and 17 percent reported a dropin phone contact. Moreover, they found that those who spent the most timeonline were the most likely to report declines in social contact. Like Kraut etal, (1998), Nie and Erbring (2000) concluded that “the Internet could be theultimate isolating technology that further reduces our participation in communitieseven more than did automobiles and television before it” (Norman Nie,as quoted in O’Toole, 2000). It should be noted, however, that the large majorityof participants in Nie and Erbring (2000) reported that they experienced nochange in social activities as a result of Internet use, and a proportion of usersalso reported an increase. Nie and Erbring did not report on the relationshipbetween time spent online and increased or unchanged social contact.There have been a number of criticisms of the methodology employed byKraut et al. (1998) and Nie and Erbring (2000) (e.g., Caruso, 1998; Scheer,2000). For example, the sample used by Kraut and co-workers was nonrandom.Participants were drawn from pre-existing community and schoolgroups that may have experienced a decline in involvement and social contactunrelated to Internet use. The selection of participants with no previousInternet experience left open the explanation that the observed effect ofInternet use on social contact and psychological well-being may have been theresult of being new Internet and home-computer users, and not directly a resultof Internet use. The frustration associated with learning to use the Internet anda new home computer, particularly if it did not meet with initial expectations,may have increased stress, affected family communication, and encouragedincreased levels of isolation and depression. Nie and Erbring (2000), whileusing random sampling, employed an unusual and untested survey methodology.Participants were given WebTV, a system that allowed users to access theInternet through a set-top box connected through the television, and wereasked to complete surveys online over their TVs. WebTV tends to be adopted

222 Keith N. Hamptonby the least experienced Internet users, those who do not already own a homecomputer and do not expect all the functionality of a full Internet connection,and there is no way to measure how the use of this technology may haveaffected the results of the survey.Every study has its methodological strengths and weaknesses. However,the biggest concern with the findings of Kraut et al. (1998) and Nie andErbring (2000) is not in their methodology, but how they and most otherInternet dystopians frame Internet use. Like virtual community enthusiasts,there is a tendency within these studies to privilege the Internet as a socialsystem removed from the other ways in which people communicate. The useof computer-mediated communication in maintaining existing socialnetworks, and in the formation of new social ties, are omitted or regarded asinsignificant. Limiting the analysis to communication with network membersoutside of cyberspace neglects the possibility that computer-mediated communicationcould substitute for other means of social contact. It is impossible todetermine if the size of people’s social networks, or the frequency of contact,decreases as a result of Internet use, or if the Internet allows people to shift themaintenance of social ties to a new communication medium. Alternatively, theInternet may even allow people to reinvest time spent on in-person or telephonecontact in the maintenance of a greater number of social networkmembers online, as was the case with the adoption of the telephone (Fischer,1992). Indeed, 90 percent of participants from Nie and Erbring’s (2000) studyused e-mail, 10 per cent used chat rooms to communicate with familymembers, 12 per cent used chat rooms to communicate with friends that theyalready had before going online, and 16 per cent reported using chat rooms tocommunicate with new friends they had met online.It may be argued that the “social presence” (Short et al., 1976) or “mediarichness” (Daft and Lengel, 1986) of computer-mediated communicationresults in the exchange of fewer social cues online than people experience withface-to-face interactions, but there is little doubt that computer-mediatedcommunication could be used in the exchange of aid and support (e.g.,Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1998). Explaining the affect of the Internet onsocial relations by peering into cyberspace and ignoring the network of socialrelations that extended to other social settings, or neglecting the value ofonline ties in supporting new and existing community relations, fails toconsider the cross-cutting nature of community, including the many ways andthe many places people interact.One Form of Communication Amongst ManyMore recently, a number of studies have been published that both recognizethe value of computer-mediated communication – as a legitimate, supportive

Networked sociability online, off-line 221one had previous in-home Internet or computer experience were eligible toparticipate. Participants were interviewed twice, a pre-test before theyreceived Internet access, and a post-test 12–24 months later. Kraut et al. (1998)concluded that the Internet was similar to the television in displacing timespent on more social activities. Internet use was associated with relativelysmall, but statistically significant declines in the amount of time familymembers spent communicating with each other, the size of participants’ localsocial networks, and psychological well-being. Kraut et al. (1998) also foundnegative, although not statistically significant, relationships between Internetuse and stress, the size of participants’ distant social networks, and the numberof people participants felt they could go to for social support.Norman Nie and Lutz Erbring (2000) lent support to the findings of Krautet al. (1998) in a panel survey of over two thousand Internet users. They foundthat 5 percent of Internet users reported spending less time at social events, 9percent spent less time with friends and family, and 17 percent reported a dropin phone contact. Moreover, they found that those who spent the most timeonline were the most likely to report declines in social contact. Like Kraut etal, (1998), Nie and Erbring (2000) concluded that “the Internet could be theultimate isolating technology that further reduces our participation in communitieseven more than did automobiles and television before it” (Norman Nie,as quoted in O’Toole, 2000). It should be noted, however, that the lar<strong>ge</strong> majorityof participants in Nie and Erbring (2000) reported that they experienced nochan<strong>ge</strong> in social activities as a result of Internet use, and a proportion of usersalso reported an increase. Nie and Erbring did not report on the relationshipbetween time spent online and increased or unchan<strong>ge</strong>d social contact.There have been a number of criticisms of the methodology employed byKraut et al. (1998) and Nie and Erbring (2000) (e.g., Caruso, 1998; Scheer,2000). For example, the sample used by Kraut and co-workers was nonrandom.Participants were drawn from pre-existing community and schoolgroups that may have experienced a decline in involvement and social contactunrelated to Internet use. The selection of participants with no previousInternet experience left open the explanation that the observed effect ofInternet use on social contact and psychological well-being may have been theresult of being new Internet and home-computer users, and not directly a resultof Internet use. The frustration associated with learning to use the Internet anda new home computer, particularly if it did not meet with initial expectations,may have increased stress, affected family communication, and encoura<strong>ge</strong>dincreased levels of isolation and depression. Nie and Erbring (2000), whileusing random sampling, employed an unusual and untested survey methodology.Participants were given WebTV, a system that allowed users to access theInternet through a set-top box connected through the television, and wereasked to complete surveys online over their TVs. WebTV tends to be adopted

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