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Technology in financial networks 209networks and represent the market as a unified powerful entity apart from theindividuals that compose it. Still, traders redefine the trading arena. Profitmakingadvantage lies in creating protected spaces within the temporally andspatially defined marketplace. Pit traders fragment the market into encloseddealing spaces where ties of friendship and reciprocity deliver profit. As in thecase of the trading pit, the ethics of efficiency demand further rationalizationof the contradictions between the design and operation of the marketplace.New technologies offer materials to create the appearance of direct contactbetween trader and market.(2) Electronic technologies can, in theory, extend to any area. But, in practice,economic action is intertwined with specific, spatially defined networks.The information that traders need to make strategic decisions arises from theparticular setting of the trading floor or dealing room. Saskia Sassen (2001)argues that certain cities remain key for global finance because of the concentrationof high-level services, such as accounting and law. Global cities areimportant beyond connections between firms and the glamor of urban living.Cities and their financial institutions create cohorts of traders whose techniquesof exchange and information-gathering practices are bound to theirlocation.(3) Liquid markets require dense participation. In the nexus market form,traders gather in a single space and circumscribed time to make exchanges.The pit arranges liquidity by concentrating trading. The global scale of electronicnetworks creates a problem for organizing a liquid market. Becausetraders are located in widely dispersed time zones, market coordinationthrough time management is a key element of global financial networks.Traders in different hubs must be engaged in the market at the same time,otherwise there is too little action to create easy exchange at high volumes. Inthe global financial marketplace, traders in certain locations, like Chicago,London, and Frankfurt, create nodes of liquidity for particular financial instruments.Traders in these locations work in the markets each day, generatingpossibilities to deal at a fair price for any number of contracts.Although in theory liquid markets can spread over the surface of the globe,in practice global cities provide concentrations of traders that support liquidity.The time zones of these cities determine the peak times of financial activity.In the absence of spatial concentration, the temporal dimensions ofmarkets assume a heightened importance. In electronic networks, temporalcoordination is crucial for maintaining liquid markets.(4) The redesign of exchange technologies and the changes in time andspace create the possibility for new kinds of traders to emerge. A technologicalform that favors actors with abstract analytical skills is replacing thenexus system based on relationships among locals and between locals andbrokers. These are not, however, the skills of the “symbolic analyst” or
210 Caitlin Zaloom“reprogrammable labor” that require agile manipulation of complex informationand an ability to learn new systems of analysis and research (Reich,1991; Castells, 1996). Profitability in electronic markets lies in rapid identificationof simple patterns in bid and offer numbers, the basic representationof the market on the screen. The type of trader who entered the financialfutures markets at the time of their founding in the late 1970s and early1980s is being replaced by more educated workers as screen-based tradingreplaces face-to-face exchange. Banks are now placing financial tradingwithin a career trajectory. Dealing is no longer the domain of the savvytrader whose life in finance is tied only to his trading skills. Yet these newtraders are not the same as their financial analyst counterparts. In the newelectronic dealing rooms, they are training in the new forms of time andspace that both separate and tie together competitors around the globe.In financial networks, the ethical imperative for efficient markets drivestechnological and social innovations. Time and space are key areas ofcontestation in the elusive search for market efficiency. The transition fromnexus to network remakes the material infrastructure of exchange to createthe representation of a unified, liquid market. This market confronts tradersas individuals with disregard for their spatial and temporal location. In thecontest between technological and social configurations of time and space,the shape of financial networks emerges.NOTES1. Miyazaki (2003) has observed that the position of social theorists as analysts in a rapidlychanging world has generated a sense of “being behind” that is mirrored in Tokyo financialmarkets. Also, by connecting the temporal assumptions of arbitrage to the life strategiesof Japanese securities traders, he shows us how the time dimensions of finance extendfar beyond the market domain.2. Claude Fischer (1992) has warned against confusing the properties of technology with theproperties of society and also shown how users can change the trajectory of technologicaldesign. The potentials of the technology should not blind us to the ways in which actorsappropriate devices. In the case of financial markets, this means considering how tradersshape the time and space of the network in using it. This chapter adds to the growing bodyof work that examines how information technologies and daily practices shape newtemporal and spatial dimensions in everyday life and labor (see Laurier, 2001; Green,2002).3. When examined from inside market organizations, managers and designers of networktechnologies emerge as key to establishing particular configurations of “power geometry”(Massey, 1995). These managers and designers are the “specific intellectuals” of thenetwork (Rabinow, 1989). As this chapter will show, they shape financial networksaccording to the ethics of market efficiency, a practice that sets patterns of inclusion andexclusion from the profits of the market.4. Arguments about the spatial arrangements of financial networks have focused on the problemof physical centralization of command and control functions (Sassen, 1999, 2001).The infrastructure of these locations is also used as evidence of the centralization ofhighly skilled labor and global management functions (Graham, 2002). These analyses,
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Technology in financial networks 209networks and represent the market as a unified powerful entity apart from theindividuals that compose it. Still, traders redefine the trading arena. Profitmakingadvanta<strong>ge</strong> lies in creating protected spaces within the temporally andspatially defined marketplace. Pit traders fragment the market into encloseddealing spaces where ties of friendship and reciprocity deliver profit. As in thecase of the trading pit, the ethics of efficiency demand further rationalizationof the contradictions between the design and operation of the marketplace.New technologies offer materials to create the appearance of direct contactbetween trader and market.(2) Electronic technologies can, in theory, extend to any area. But, in practice,economic action is intertwined with specific, spatially defined networks.The information that traders need to make strategic decisions arises from theparticular setting of the trading floor or dealing room. Saskia Sassen (2001)argues that certain cities remain key for global finance because of the concentrationof high-level services, such as accounting and law. Global cities areimportant beyond connections between firms and the glamor of urban living.Cities and their financial institutions create cohorts of traders whose techniquesof exchan<strong>ge</strong> and information-gathering practices are bound to theirlocation.(3) Liquid markets require dense participation. In the nexus market form,traders gather in a single space and circumscribed time to make exchan<strong>ge</strong>s.The pit arran<strong>ge</strong>s liquidity by concentrating trading. The global scale of electronicnetworks creates a problem for organizing a liquid market. Becausetraders are located in widely dispersed time zones, market coordinationthrough time mana<strong>ge</strong>ment is a key element of global financial networks.Traders in different hubs must be enga<strong>ge</strong>d in the market at the same time,otherwise there is too little action to create easy exchan<strong>ge</strong> at high volumes. Inthe global financial marketplace, traders in certain locations, like Chicago,London, and Frankfurt, create nodes of liquidity for particular financial instruments.Traders in these locations work in the markets each day, <strong>ge</strong>neratingpossibilities to deal at a fair price for any number of contracts.Although in theory liquid markets can spread over the surface of the globe,in practice global cities provide concentrations of traders that support liquidity.The time zones of these cities determine the peak times of financial activity.In the absence of spatial concentration, the temporal dimensions ofmarkets assume a heightened importance. In electronic networks, temporalcoordination is crucial for maintaining liquid markets.(4) The redesign of exchan<strong>ge</strong> technologies and the chan<strong>ge</strong>s in time andspace create the possibility for new kinds of traders to emer<strong>ge</strong>. A technologicalform that favors actors with abstract analytical skills is replacing thenexus system based on relationships among locals and between locals andbrokers. These are not, however, the skills of the “symbolic analyst” or