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Why information should influence productivity 165between social structure and economic opportunity (Granovetter, 1973, 1985;Burt, 1992, 2000). Granovetter emphasizes the importance of weak ties, whileBurt focuses on the importance of bridging structural holes, defined as a gapbetween two communities with non-redundant information. Burt considers thereturn on investment from social capital flowing from three sources: access,referrals, and timing.With respect to social networks, bigger is hypothesized to be better, sinceinformation about new opportunities is time dependent and flows throughexisting contacts. However, consideration of opportunity costs in the face ofbounded rationality leads to Burt’s suggestion that players optimize socialnetworks by focusing on maintaining primary contacts within non-redundantcommunities so as to maximize access to information from secondarysources.Burt’s theory of structural holes is a theory of competitive advantage thatfollows from social capital. Although the emphasis is strategic, parties thatoccupy structural holes might theoretically increase productivity in two ways.The first explanation can be conceived in economic terms as a form of informationalarbitrage, in which profits or social status are realized throughpersonal relationships, but the end result is a more efficient allocation ofresources. For example, Baker (1984) documents the extent to which socialnetwork topologies of floor traders dampen the volatility of options priceswithin a national securities market. The second explanation can be conceptualizedas realizing economies of scope and scale in the face of “balkanization.”In this case, information about an opportunity is transmitted across a structuralhole, while the actual creation of new value follows from subsequent informationflows. Examples include: Hargadon and Sutton’s (1997) ethnographicanalysis of brainstorming practices that facilitated the brokering of technologicalexpertise within a design firm; Powell et al.’s (1996) analysis of relationshipsbetween intra-organizational collaboration patterns, profitability, andgrowth in biotechnology; Saxenian’s (1994) ethnographic account of regionaldifferences between Route 128 and Silicon Valley; and Castells’s (2000, 2001)portrait of a network society, in which productivity gains are attributed to theabilities of self-programmable human labor to continuously reconfigurearound opportunities in a globally interconnected world.Hypothesis 11: Network efficiency balances network size and diversity ofcontacts. Network effectiveness distinguishes primary from secondarycontacts and focuses resources on preserving primary contacts. Individualswho are more central will be more effective.In terms of e-mail communications, three contact measures, calculated onmore than 40,000 messages for recruiters, included “betweenness,” “centrality,”and “in-degree.” These can be interpreted both for individual nodes andfor their contacts’ contacts. All three were correlated and all three were
166 Marshall Van Alstyne and Nathaniel Bulkleyobserved in conjunction with higher output as measured by revenues andcompletion rates at statistically significant levels.Optimal network structure might balance efficient information sharingacross strong ties and the identification of opportunities across structuralholes. A network topology that theoretically combines these desired propertiesis the “small world” topology (Watts and Strogatz, 1998; Watts, 1999). The“small world” is defined by two measures: characteristic path length (thesmallest number of links it takes to connect one node to another averaged overall pairs of nodes in the network) and the clustering coefficient (the fraction ofneighboring nodes that are also collected to one another).An explanation for this effect is that adding only a few shortcuts betweencliques turns a large world into a small world. Using formal models, Watts andStrogatz (1998) shifted gradually from a regular network to a random networkby increasing the probability of making random connections from 0 to 1. Theyfound characteristic path length drops quickly, whereas the value of the clusteringcoefficient drops slowly. This leads to a small-world network in whichclustering is high but the characteristic path length is short.Importantly, however, we emphasize small worlds characterized by clusteringand short paths apart from the randomness of connection that is only oneway of shortening distance. Shortcuts can be intentional. Kleinberg (2000)points out that, although random graphs may have shortcuts, individual agentswill typically have insufficient information to exploit them. Since the averageperson (node) is not directly associated with the key people (clique-linkers), itis impossible to determine whether you live in a small world or a large worldfrom local information alone. However, the small-world hypothesis can betested through the collection of network data. Stated formally:Hypothesis 12: The small-world pattern of high local clustering and shortaverage path lengths promotes productivity more than either hierarchical orfully connected networks.Among recruiters, modal e-mail communications across nodes were highlyinterconnected over any time period longer than one month. It appears that, formost project teams, communications within the firm were many to many withrespect to recruiters outside the team but within the organization. The firmwith the shortest average path length (1.5 versus 1.9) generated the mostrevenue per recruiter. However, as no organization studied numbered morethan 150 employees, relatively short path lengths may also imply that informationoverload is not yet a binding consideration.CONCLUSIONSEmpirical evidence that investments in information technology positively
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- Page 221 and 222: 200 Caitlin Zaloomthe bids and offe
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Why information should influence productivity 165between social structure and economic opportunity (Granovetter, 1973, 1985;Burt, 1992, 2000). Granovetter emphasizes the importance of weak ties, whileBurt focuses on the importance of bridging structural holes, defined as a gapbetween two communities with non-redundant information. Burt considers thereturn on investment from social capital flowing from three sources: access,referrals, and timing.With respect to social networks, big<strong>ge</strong>r is hypothesized to be better, sinceinformation about new opportunities is time dependent and flows throughexisting contacts. However, consideration of opportunity costs in the face ofbounded rationality leads to Burt’s sug<strong>ge</strong>stion that players optimize socialnetworks by focusing on maintaining primary contacts within non-redundantcommunities so as to maximize access to information from secondarysources.Burt’s theory of structural holes is a theory of competitive advanta<strong>ge</strong> thatfollows from social capital. Although the emphasis is strategic, parties thatoccupy structural holes might theoretically increase productivity in two ways.The first explanation can be conceived in economic terms as a form of informationalarbitra<strong>ge</strong>, in which profits or social status are realized throughpersonal relationships, but the end result is a more efficient allocation ofresources. For example, Baker (1984) documents the extent to which socialnetwork topologies of floor traders dampen the volatility of options priceswithin a national securities market. The second explanation can be conceptualizedas realizing economies of scope and scale in the face of “balkanization.”In this case, information about an opportunity is transmitted across a structuralhole, while the actual creation of new value follows from subsequent informationflows. Examples include: Hargadon and Sutton’s (1997) ethnographicanalysis of brainstorming practices that facilitated the brokering of technologicalexpertise within a design firm; Powell et al.’s (1996) analysis of relationshipsbetween intra-organizational collaboration patterns, profitability, andgrowth in biotechnology; Saxenian’s (1994) ethnographic account of regionaldifferences between Route 128 and Silicon Valley; and Castells’s (2000, 2001)portrait of a network society, in which productivity gains are attributed to theabilities of self-programmable human labor to continuously reconfigurearound opportunities in a globally interconnected world.Hypothesis 11: Network efficiency balances network size and diversity ofcontacts. Network effectiveness distinguishes primary from secondarycontacts and focuses resources on preserving primary contacts. Individualswho are more central will be more effective.In terms of e-mail communications, three contact measures, calculated onmore than 40,000 messa<strong>ge</strong>s for recruiters, included “betweenness,” “centrality,”and “in-degree.” These can be interpreted both for individual nodes andfor their contacts’ contacts. All three were correlated and all three were