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6. Why information should influenceproductivityMarshall Van Alstyne and Nathaniel BulkleyProductivity isn’t everything, but in the long run it is almost everything.Paul Krugman (1994)HISTORICAL CONTEXTEconomists have long recognized the importance of productivity: increases inliving standards depend almost entirely on increasing the output a workerproduces with a given amount of input, including time. Historically, sustainedproductivity increases have been associated with the development of technologiesunderlying economic revolutions, such as the steam engine and electricity(David, 1990). In the future, rates of productivity growth will determinewhether living standards rise or fall as Third World economies mature andbaby-boomers retire.In the modern era, productivity growth in most industrialized countriesproceeded at a moderate rate of about 2 percent from 1870 to 1950, increasedto more than 2 percent from 1950 to 1973 and then slowed considerably from1973 to 1993 (Castells, 2000). The combination of a productivity slowdownand rapidly increasing investments in information technology led to the“productivity paradox” of the 1980s and early 1990s (Roach, 1987;Brynjolfsson and Yang, 1996). After controlling for factors such as energy priceshocks and inflation, correlations between information technology investmentsand productivity remained negative or non-existent. On the flip side, in the pastdecade productivity has surged, even after sharp declines in information technologyinvestments (Yang and Brynjolfsson, 2003). A considerable literatureaimed at unraveling the seeming contradictory statistical relationship betweeninformation technology investments and productivity provides context for thischapter.Our inquiry, however, pursues a different course. We focus on explaininghow information management practices influence white-collar productivity.145
146 Marshall Van Alstyne and Nathaniel BulkleyExamples from an ongoing study of executive recruiters illustrate ourhypotheses and give them practical significance. Recasting Robert Solow’s(1987) observation that “We see computers everywhere except the productivitystatistics,” we want to know how the information they gather, store,produce, and transmit makes us more effective.At least four hypotheses have emerged to explain the productivity paradox(Brynjolfsson and Hitt, 1998). The “lag hypothesis” focuses on the timerequired for the development and diffusion of new technologies (David,1990). Under the lag hypothesis, it is only after costly investments in re-engineeringand other complementary organizational practices and strategies thatproductivity gains can be expected (Greenwood, 1997; Greenwood andJovanovic, 1999; Hobijin and Jovanovic, 1999; Yang and Brynjolfsson, 2003).The “needle in a haystack hypothesis” emphasizes that, although informationtechnology investments increased rapidly, until recently they constituted sucha small share of the overall economy that their influence – positive or negative– was unlikely to be measurable in aggregate statistics at the level of industriesor nations (Oliner and Sichel, 1994). The “competition hypothesis”focuses on instances in which new technologies make consumers better offwithout increasing profits, which occurs when technologies fail to offer acompetitive advantage for any single company (for example, Internet banking).Finally, the “mis-measurement hypothesis” points out that productivitygains from information technology investments often lead to changes in timeliness,quality, convenience or variety or the introduction of new products;only when these intangibles are quantified can productivity gains be seen(Griliches, 1994; Brynjolfsson and Hitt, 1996, 2000). In addition, if the effectsof information technology are uneven, productivity increases might be visibleat the firm level, but hidden in larger aggregates.Studies since the mid-1990s have argued that investments in informationtechnology do influence productivity (Brynjolfsson and Hitt, 1996, 2000; Lehrand Lichtenberg, 1999, Oliner and Sichel, 2000; Jorgenson, 2001). These studiesbenefit from the passage of time required for investments in informationtechnology and its complements to accumulate, as well as better measurementthrough more precise firm-level analyses. Taken together, they lend statisticalsupport to all four hypotheses, suggesting an affirmative answer to the questionof whether information technology influences productivity at all.The result has been to open debate on the larger question of how informationtechnology might influence productivity. Some economists argue thatproductivity gains are limited to IT producing industries, such as semiconductors(Gordon, 2000). Others argue that while gains are concentrated in ITproducing industries, as much as half may come from IT users (Jorgenson,2001). Statistical support for the influence of information technology onservice and white-collar occupations remains weak. Measuring output as an
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146 Marshall Van Alstyne and Nathaniel BulkleyExamples from an ongoing study of executive recruiters illustrate ourhypotheses and give them practical significance. Recasting Robert Solow’s(1987) observation that “We see computers everywhere except the productivitystatistics,” we want to know how the information they gather, store,produce, and transmit makes us more effective.At least four hypotheses have emer<strong>ge</strong>d to explain the productivity paradox(Brynjolfsson and Hitt, 1998). The “lag hypothesis” focuses on the timerequired for the development and diffusion of new technologies (David,1990). Under the lag hypothesis, it is only after costly investments in re-engineeringand other complementary organizational practices and strategies thatproductivity gains can be expected (Greenwood, 1997; Greenwood andJovanovic, 1999; Hobijin and Jovanovic, 1999; Yang and Brynjolfsson, 2003).The “needle in a haystack hypothesis” emphasizes that, although informationtechnology investments increased rapidly, until recently they constituted sucha small share of the overall economy that their influence – positive or negative– was unlikely to be measurable in aggregate statistics at the level of industriesor nations (Oliner and Sichel, 1994). The “competition hypothesis”focuses on instances in which new technologies make consumers better offwithout increasing profits, which occurs when technologies fail to offer acompetitive advanta<strong>ge</strong> for any single company (for example, Internet banking).Finally, the “mis-measurement hypothesis” points out that productivitygains from information technology investments often lead to chan<strong>ge</strong>s in timeliness,quality, convenience or variety or the introduction of new products;only when these intangibles are quantified can productivity gains be seen(Griliches, 1994; Brynjolfsson and Hitt, 1996, 2000). In addition, if the effectsof information technology are uneven, productivity increases might be visibleat the firm level, but hidden in lar<strong>ge</strong>r aggregates.Studies since the mid-1990s have argued that investments in informationtechnology do influence productivity (Brynjolfsson and Hitt, 1996, 2000; Lehrand Lichtenberg, 1999, Oliner and Sichel, 2000; Jor<strong>ge</strong>nson, 2001). These studiesbenefit from the passa<strong>ge</strong> of time required for investments in informationtechnology and its complements to accumulate, as well as better measurementthrough more precise firm-level analyses. Taken to<strong>ge</strong>ther, they lend statisticalsupport to all four hypotheses, sug<strong>ge</strong>sting an affirmative answer to the questionof whether information technology influences productivity at all.The result has been to open debate on the lar<strong>ge</strong>r question of how informationtechnology might influence productivity. Some economists argue thatproductivity gains are limited to IT producing industries, such as semiconductors(Gordon, 2000). Others argue that while gains are concentrated in ITproducing industries, as much as half may come from IT users (Jor<strong>ge</strong>nson,2001). Statistical support for the influence of information technology onservice and white-collar occupations remains weak. Measuring output as an