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Reflexive Internet? The British experience 127work is expressed in terms of trying to distinguish “the effects of the technology”from other relevant circumstances and conditions. How much, for example,is the possible success of e-democracy predicated on getting thenetworked technology right and how much is to do with broader social andpolitical processes which would encourage the very idea of greater participationin the first place (Coleman, 2003)? More recently, researchers in Internetstudies are using terms like “affordance” rather than determinism (for example,Livingstone, 2003; Wellman, 2003). But are affordances just a new kindof determinism smuggled in by the back door? What other aspects of ouranalyses implicitly deploy a form of technological determinism?Third, a notable feature of many recent Internet studies is that they areprimarily organized around familiar themes, issues, and concerns which occupiedresearchers before the advent of the new technology. This is reflected inbook titles such as The Governance of Cyberspace (Loader, 1997), ThePolitics of Cyberspace (Toulouse and Luke, 1998), Digital Democracy (Hagueand Loader, 1999), Cyberpower (Jordan, 1999), Communities in Cyberspace(Smith and Kollock, 1999), and Digital Capitalism (Schiller, 2000). Allowingfor the fact that publishers often influence the marketing of academic research,this trend raises questions about the extent to which research on the Internet ismerely following and reaffirming preconceived theoretical preferences. In thecontext of the history of science this situation has been caricatured as follows.Natural scientific activity is described as involving the fitting of square plugs(observations) into round holes (theories). When this does not work, the standardconventional assumption is that there must be something wrong with theplug (observation), not with the hole (theory). In other words, in the event ofpotentially unconfirming, non-fitting data, the conservative tendency of mostresearch is to find fault with the methods rather than with the theory. Theworking injunction is to hang on to the theory at all costs! It is almost as if thenew phenomenon to be explained and understood is somehow incidental to therenewed articulation of pre-existing analytic frameworks and perspectives.Fourth, an appealing argument for maintaining pre-existing theoreticalframeworks in the face of new technical phenomena is that the new technologiesare massively overhyped. According to this point of view, it is importantthat we revert to the steady application of theories as a counterbalance to thehype. It is argued that we social scientists need to contribute good, solid,empirical work in the face of wild (unsupported) imaginings about the supposedlytransformative qualities of the Internet. However, the downside of thispoint of view is that it can rather discourage theoretical change and development.The theory remains intact as it gets applied to the new (technological)phenomenon. This somewhat conservative (epistemologically speaking) strategywas caricatured in the caustic remark ascribed to Harold Garfinkel thatsociology is, in the main, a “no news, no lose” enterprise. In other words, the

128 Steve Woolgarkinds of finding we unearth are ultimately unsurprising, and our theoreticalframeworks remain unchallenged. The alternative situation at which Garfinkelis hinting is one where our engagement with the new technology has aprofound, destabilizing, challenging, and perhaps transforming effect on ourtheoretical assumptions.Fifth, while much work comprises beautiful descriptions of social change,the defining question is, arguably, left hanging: what difference did the technologiesmake? Some recent work, looking at the detailed experience ofInternet use in specific situations, offers the possibility that we need to recastthe core question, that we can no longer ask it in such bald terms. Thus, writerslike Hine (2000, 2003), Bakardjieva (2003), and Campbell (2003) stressthe importance of disaggregation. Attention to the massive variation in thelocal conditions of Internet experience makes it no longer possible to speak insuch synoptic terms. What difference does the Internet make? Their workshows that this question only makes sense on some occasions to some peoplein some parts of the organization. We are, of course, struggling here with ourown implicit reliance on discourses of causality and determinism, fed in partby populistic, journalistic, and media usage. We need to unpack our use of“technology” and to try to find an alternative conception which allows us toask the question differently. We need, in other words, to find ways of interrogatingour reliance upon conventional descriptions of the technology at theheart of our research practice. These synoptic descriptions presume andperform aggregates and aggregate relationships. We need to beware of theclumping that goes with lack of disaggregation. At the same time, we do notwant simply to ditch the core motivating question: what difference does technologymake? The solution pursued by research programs like “VirtualSociety?” (see below) is that we pursue the questions, but do so with cautionand reflection and, in particular, with an eye to the audiences and contextsinvolved.These aspects of recent Internet studies suggest that we now have an opportunityto reflect carefully on what we are assuming about technology.Everyone is “against” determinism, but are we not locked, at least to somelarge extent, into a determinist discourse, in the sense that our languagedepends on presumptions of essentialism and causality? What are theprospects for a form of social research that both informs us about the new technologiesand simultaneously challenges our reliance upon traditional theoreticalvehicles?THE VIRTUAL SOCIETY? PROGRAMThe “Virtual Society?” program, a program of research funded by the UK

Reflexive Internet? The British experience 127work is expressed in terms of trying to distinguish “the effects of the technology”from other relevant circumstances and conditions. How much, for example,is the possible success of e-democracy predicated on <strong>ge</strong>tting thenetworked technology right and how much is to do with broader social andpolitical processes which would encoura<strong>ge</strong> the very idea of greater participationin the first place (Coleman, 2003)? More recently, researchers in Internetstudies are using terms like “affordance” rather than determinism (for example,Livingstone, 2003; Wellman, 2003). But are affordances just a new kindof determinism smuggled in by the back door? What other aspects of ouranalyses implicitly deploy a form of technological determinism?Third, a notable feature of many recent Internet studies is that they areprimarily organized around familiar themes, issues, and concerns which occupiedresearchers before the advent of the new technology. This is reflected inbook titles such as The Governance of Cyberspace (Loader, 1997), ThePolitics of Cyberspace (Toulouse and Luke, 1998), Digital Democracy (Hagueand Loader, 1999), Cyberpower (Jordan, 1999), Communities in Cyberspace(Smith and Kollock, 1999), and Digital Capitalism (Schiller, 2000). Allowingfor the fact that publishers often influence the marketing of academic research,this trend raises questions about the extent to which research on the Internet ismerely following and reaffirming preconceived theoretical preferences. In thecontext of the history of science this situation has been caricatured as follows.Natural scientific activity is described as involving the fitting of square plugs(observations) into round holes (theories). When this does not work, the standardconventional assumption is that there must be something wrong with theplug (observation), not with the hole (theory). In other words, in the event ofpotentially unconfirming, non-fitting data, the conservative tendency of mostresearch is to find fault with the methods rather than with the theory. Theworking injunction is to hang on to the theory at all costs! It is almost as if thenew phenomenon to be explained and understood is somehow incidental to therenewed articulation of pre-existing analytic frameworks and perspectives.Fourth, an appealing argument for maintaining pre-existing theoreticalframeworks in the face of new technical phenomena is that the new technologiesare massively overhyped. According to this point of view, it is importantthat we revert to the steady application of theories as a counterbalance to thehype. It is argued that we social scientists need to contribute good, solid,empirical work in the face of wild (unsupported) imaginings about the supposedlytransformative qualities of the Internet. However, the downside of thispoint of view is that it can rather discoura<strong>ge</strong> theoretical chan<strong>ge</strong> and development.The theory remains intact as it <strong>ge</strong>ts applied to the new (technological)phenomenon. This somewhat conservative (epistemologically speaking) strategywas caricatured in the caustic remark ascribed to Harold Garfinkel thatsociology is, in the main, a “no news, no lose” enterprise. In other words, the

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