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Silicon Valley and Finland 81the Finnish model of networking. Otherwise, the networks will process outgoingflows of young people and incoming flows of capital.CONCLUSION: CONTRASTING MODELSBoth Finland and Silicon Valley offer paths toward technological innovation,networking organization, and high economic productivity under the conditionsof the informational paradigm. In both cases, government and non-profit institutionalactors were critical in starting the process, and private businessbecame the key actor of production, innovation, and competition. So acomparison of the two models should not be read as opposing the private andthe public sectors as agencies of the development process. Neither is the roleof universities different: they are central sources of knowledge and talent inboth models, confirming the essential role of universities in the knowledgeeconomy. Innovation is also a common factor, and it could not be otherwisebecause without innovation there is no information-driven economy. Thereare, however, two major differences. One concerns the sources of innovation.The other concerns the relationship between the world of innovation andentrepreneurship and society at large.In Finland, the heart of the model is the welfare state and the legitimacy ofgovernment acting on behalf of the nation, a nation affirming its cultural identityin a rapidly globalizing world. Innovators come from the full supportgiven by the government to a high-quality, public education system, to universities,and to research, in close partnership with business.In Silicon Valley, in spite of the importance of the military connection at theoutset, and its enduring strategic role, the source of innovation is the individualentrepreneur, tapping into the resources of knowledge, social networks,and the supporting services and firms that have accumulated in the region overhalf a century of relentless innovation. These individuals come to the Valleyfrom all over the world. But many of them are a special kind of individual:they are innovators, this is why they come to Silicon Valley. And since theykeep coming, the culture of the region is increasingly a culture of innovation,and a culture of entrepreneurialism. This is why immigration is crucial, andthis is why Silicon Valley can thrive in the middle of the paradox of being thetechnology hub of the world while being dependent on the inferior publiceducation system of California, which, for the most part, is not at the level ofother advanced countries.Not that all innovators are foreign immigrants. Most are American immigrants,and there are also thousands of California-grown innovators who findtheir place right where they are – or a little further away, in Silicon Valley, inthe Bay Area, or in San Diego, and Los Angeles, around the various milieux
82 Pekka Himanen and Manuel Castellsof innovation of California. Because they are innovators, they keep innovatingin the bad times as well as the good times. They expect to be rewarded, butthis is not what drives them. In a very broad sense, it is the hacker culture, asdefined in chapter 19 of this volume, that characterizes Silicon Valley and theuniversities, firms, and research centers around the Silicon Valley networks. Itis creativity for the sake of creativity because innovation is enjoyment andempowerment, and the only way in which an individual, distrustful of thestate, and affirmed in his or her own, chosen identity, can grasp life aroundthem. This is why discoveries and innovation kept continuing in 2000–2003,in spite of dark economic prospects, political uncertainty, and a reduction inventure capital finance. And because innovation does not stop, the engine ofwealth will eventually be restarted.It does not happen without costs. This is the dark side of the Silicon Valleymodel. The moment of crisis, collective or personal, finds many individuals,and their families, unprotected. So, it is a winner’s society that accumulateslosers on its margins in growing numbers. And since there is a deep-seateddistrust of government, the resources of the public sector keep dwindling,particularly in relation to the growing costs of public needs. This is the otherparadox of California: the most dynamic economy in the world, submitted toa structural fiscal crisis of the state because of the model of individual accumulationof the wealth generated from individual entrepreneurialism.Finland, of course, protects its people under all circumstances. But in orderto generate wealth it has to induce innovation and entrepreneurialism in the hopethat business will be able to channel the potential of young innovators. But innovationalso requires freedom, and if young Finns decide to use their freedom andtalent to innovate in culture and in the arts, it will be up to business to find a wayof making this cultural content into a globally competitive industry.Both models seem to have fundamental challenges, and interesting times,ahead. Silicon Valley will have to find ways to link up individual projects withthe institutions of society, and induce solidarity among its members, to besocially sustainable. Finland will have to reconcile its national identity andwelfare state with an opening up to the world, based on two-way channels ofcommunication, and with a stimulus to entrepreneurship as a source of wealthcreation to make the welfare state economically sustainable. Yet, both modelsshare the distinction of having pioneered alternative ways of development ofthe knowledge economy and of the network society.REFERENCESAli-Yrkkö, Jyrki and Hermans, Raine (2002) Nokia in the Finnish Information System.Helsinki: ETLA.
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Silicon Valley and Finland 81the Finnish model of networking. Otherwise, the networks will process outgoingflows of young people and incoming flows of capital.CONCLUSION: CONTRASTING MODELSBoth Finland and Silicon Valley offer paths toward technological innovation,networking organization, and high economic productivity under the conditionsof the informational paradigm. In both cases, government and non-profit institutionalactors were critical in starting the process, and private businessbecame the key actor of production, innovation, and competition. So acomparison of the two models should not be read as opposing the private andthe public sectors as a<strong>ge</strong>ncies of the development process. Neither is the roleof universities different: they are central sources of knowled<strong>ge</strong> and talent inboth models, confirming the essential role of universities in the knowled<strong>ge</strong>economy. Innovation is also a common factor, and it could not be otherwisebecause without innovation there is no information-driven economy. Thereare, however, two major differences. One concerns the sources of innovation.The other concerns the relationship between the world of innovation andentrepreneurship and society at lar<strong>ge</strong>.In Finland, the heart of the model is the welfare state and the legitimacy ofgovernment acting on behalf of the nation, a nation affirming its cultural identityin a rapidly globalizing world. Innovators come from the full supportgiven by the government to a high-quality, public education system, to universities,and to research, in close partnership with business.In Silicon Valley, in spite of the importance of the military connection at theoutset, and its enduring strategic role, the source of innovation is the individualentrepreneur, tapping into the resources of knowled<strong>ge</strong>, social networks,and the supporting services and firms that have accumulated in the region overhalf a century of relentless innovation. These individuals come to the Valleyfrom all over the world. But many of them are a special kind of individual:they are innovators, this is why they come to Silicon Valley. And since theykeep coming, the culture of the region is increasingly a culture of innovation,and a culture of entrepreneurialism. This is why immigration is crucial, andthis is why Silicon Valley can thrive in the middle of the paradox of being thetechnology hub of the world while being dependent on the inferior publiceducation system of California, which, for the most part, is not at the level ofother advanced countries.Not that all innovators are foreign immigrants. Most are American immigrants,and there are also thousands of California-grown innovators who findtheir place right where they are – or a little further away, in Silicon Valley, inthe Bay Area, or in San Diego, and Los An<strong>ge</strong>les, around the various milieux