Negative answer fragments in Spanish - Luis Vicente

¤¥¦ § ¨© §¢ ¡¡¢£ TINDAG 2006 12TINDAG 20061 IntroNegative answer fragments in Spanish Luis Vicente, Leiden Universitykoldito@gmail.comThis is the type of sentences I’ll be dealing with:1) ¿Con quién fuiste al cine?with whom went.2SG to the movies?a. Con María no [XP no]with M notb. No con María [no XP]not with M2 Basic propertiesa) explore the properties of XP no and no XP orders.b) sketch a basic analysis.c) mention some pending questions and problems.2.1 Categorial unrestrictivenessAny category can be a remnant XP in a negative fragments (though some are more felicitousthat others). This includes DPs (also bare nouns), PPs, adjectives, adverbs, infinitivalcomplements, and full finite CPs.2) What have you been reading?a. Una novela de terror noa novel of terror notb. No una novela de terrornot a novel of terror3) What are you going to write your thesis about?a. Sobre la concordancia noabout the agreement notThanks to: Kyle Johnson and Caroline Heycock for inspiration and early guidance; Anikó Lipták and LisaCheng for later guidance; Carmen Martínez for help with some judgements; Raquel González and Carlos Buesafor supplying me with some hard-to-get literature; and the Basque Government for financial support.b. No sobre la concordancianot about the agreement4) In what state did you find the mariners?a. Sobrios nosober notb. No sobriosnot sober5) How often do you go to the gym? 1a. Frecuentemente nooften notb. No frecuentementenot often6) What household task do you hate most?a. Hacer la cama nomake the bed notb. No hacer la cama 2not make the bed7) What did Jesus preach to the people of Judea?a. Que adoraran al diablo nothat worship.3PL the devil notb. No que adoraran al diablonot that worship.3PL the devil2.2 Connectivity effectsAnaphors are possible in negative replies, which suggests that they contain a hiddenrepresentation of the binder (argument adopted from Morgan 1973 and Merchant 2004).8) ¿De quién habla Juan i todo el rato?about who talks J all the timea. De sí mismo i noabout himself notb. No de sí mismo inot about himself1 Speaker-oriented adverbs can’t appear in the no XP order, but this is possibly due to them being PPIs (cf.Nilsen 2003:II and references)i) aparentemente noapparently notii) * no aparentementenot apparently2 For reasons that I do not understand, orders with infinitival clauses strongly favour a reading in whichnegation is part of the infinitival, rather than external to it (i.e.,, ratherthan the intended). However, it is easy to show that the intended readingexists, since one can stack two negations, thus making one of them unambiguously external to the infinitival(this is somewhat marginal, possibly due to the difficulty to parse two negatives next to each other). Thus:A: What does Mary want to do over summer?B: No [no irse de vacaciones]not not go of holiday[= not going on holiday is not what she wants to do]

,-.+-,*+ £© ¡¡ !"# !#¢£¢ ¡$ !##/%//1023©'¦(&¥¢©)/102310231023%TINDAG 2006 34TINDAG 2006The same holds for principles B and C and for variable binding.9) ¿De quién habla Juan i todo el rato?about who talks J all the timea. * De él i noabout him notb. * No de él inot about him10) ¿De quién habla Juan i todo el rato?about who talks J all the timea. * De Juan i noabout J notb. * No de Juan inot about J11) ¿De quién está hablando todo i hombre?about who is talking every mana. De su i mujer noabout his wife notb. No de su i mujernot about his wifeAccording to Merchant, bare fragments involve movement plus clausal deletion.12) a. What do you want to drink?b. Beerc. Beer [I want to drink ]But this analysis is difficult to extend to negative replies because negation and the remnantdon’t form a constituent.13) a. ¿Qué quieres beber?what want.2SG drinkb. quiero bebernot want.2SG drink beerSometimes (under heavy stress), it is possible to have negation and the remnant as aconstituent. Depiante (2000) proposes such an analysis.14) a. Quiero beber NO CERVEZA *(sino vino)want.2SG drink not beer but wineb. [no cerveza] [quiero beber ]15) John has drunk a quarter not of beer, but of whiskey [McCawley 1991:193]16) a. ¿Qué equipo piensa Juan que va a ganar la liga?which team thinks J that is going to win the championshipb. Me parece que no el Madridme.DAT seems that not the M[= it seems to me that he doesn’t think that Real Madrid is going to win]17) a. ¿Qué paises ha mencionado Juan que quiere visitar?which countries has mentioned J that wants visitb. Un montón, pero no Sueciaa lot of them but not Sweden[= he didn’t mention that he wants to visit Sweden]18) When we asked her, Beth said she wanted to take French, but not Spanish[= she didn’t say she wanted to take Spanish]3 The positions of the remnants3.1 Presupposition effects[] orders create an existential presupposition, but [] orders don’t19) What did you drink at the party?a. Cerveza no De hecho, no bebí nadabeer not As a matter of fact, I didn’t drink anythingb. No cerveza # De hecho, no bebí nadanot beer As a matter of fact, I didn’t drink anything20) Who did you go to the movies with?a. Con Susana no. De hecho, fuí solowith S not As a matter of fact, I went on my ownb. No con Susana # De hecho, fuí solonot with S As a matter of fact, I went on my ownThe same effect arises in regular sentences with focused constituents, but not undertopicalisation.21) a. No he leídoDe hecho, no he leido nadanot have read 1984 As a matter of fact, I haven’t read anythingb. , no lo he leido De hecho, no he leido nada1984 not CL have read As a matter of fact, I haven’t read anythingc. No he leido [ FOC ] # De hecho, no he leido nadanot have read 1984 As a matter of fact, I haven’t read anythingd. [ FOC ] no he leido # De hecho, no he leido nada1984 not have read As a matter of fact, I haven’t read anythingDitto for pseudoclefts, which also involve a focus structure.Though this analysis is falsified by examples like the following, where negation and theremnant originate in different clauses (example 18 from Merchant 2003).

-, +.441023-, +.1023,-.+,-.+,-.+¥£,-.+P..KRS %M%NKO PN LK JK I5WV!' X¥"WV\[# Y¥'ZPTKOKN\[;

-],-.+%_ P. %^S%_ P. %^S%_ P. %^S%_ P. %^S%78na/na-, +.aaQ.S`Q.S`aaQ.S`Q.S`Q.S`aaQ.S`Q.S`aaQ.S`Q.S`aaQ.S`Q.S`aaQ.S`Q.S`B7j / *many notb. No muchos [* > /not many36) How many books have you read?a. Muchos no, pero muchos sí [valid statement]many not but many yesb. # No muchos, pero muchos sí [contradiction, since [not many but many yes>>]]>] =]31) a. What do you want to drink?b. Cerveza nobeer not“… negative predicates require a restrictive context… ” [Erteschik-Shir 1998:III]32) a. What did Joan do last night?b. She didn’ t go to the movies(# unless there is some previously established set of things she might have done,and that includes going to the movies)In all of the examples, the remnant XP seems to be included in the set of common discoursereferents, so one can answer the question be referring back to an existing topic. Evenexamples like (1)/(31) can’ t be uttered out of the blue (i.e., in a transaction setting).Topicalisation and focalisation (whether fronting or in situ) also derive the wide scopereading of , which is impossible under a neutral interpretation of the sentence.37) a. No he leido muchos libros [*not have read many booksb. Muchos libros, no los he leido [many books not CL have readc. No he leido MUCHOS LIBROS [not have read many booksd. MUCHOS LIBROS no he leido [many books not have readThese contrasts seem to support an analysis in which negation is base generated high. If it was> ] reading in (37)b/(37)d?fg8 >7>>>// *?/ */ *>>>>]]]]33) (at the ticket booth in a theatre)Booth person: Which film do you want tickets for?Movie-goer: # Paranofor M P not# No paranot for M PJ-+J-+34) (between fellow movie-goers)MG#1: Tonight they are showing Match Point and Broken Flowers. Which one do youwant to watch?MG#2noM P notNonot M PJ-+MKcJ-+>9 d AA>e

aannaann%aann y ru zwxq r s t u r vpa nu~ r }u | r {r rq~u ux ~ w r} €x xq ƒ r…q ru~ r ~x†ƒ „ …~ qx …u~‚‡xxq rr~ ~~ x …ˆp{ ‹Š‰xu ƒ u ……uq xqu qx‚ ƒ „ˆo …Œ{ ‰z†xu x~¥¦©" u r~ ƒ{q q u rqr ~ p4¥¦©"Q”•–—–šŽ‘’“QTINDAG 2006 910TINDAG 2006b. Para sacarse el título, no debe coger más clasesso as to receive the degree not must take more courses[ > / ? > ]Interestingly, both readings are also available in negative fragments40) a. ¿Qué tipo de ropa debe llevar Juan en su boda ?what kind of garments must wear J at his weddingb. Corbata notie not[ > / > ]41) a. Para que le den la beca…so as to get the scholarship…¿Sobre qué tema debe decir Juan que trata su tesis?about what topic must say J that deals his thesisb. No sobre los participiosnot about the participles[ > / > ]Note that (41)b can have a reading in which negation and the remnant XP come from differentclauses. Since the [ > ] reading is possible, it must be the case that negation is structurallylower than the modal at some point. But, in principle, this is incompatible with theconclusions of the previous section.5 Standing questions, part II: constituent negation42) a. Dijiste que ibas a ir al cine con María, (y) no con Susanasaid.2SG that were going to the movies with M and not with S[ you didn’ t say that you were going with Susana]b. Dijiste que ibas a ir al cine con María,said.2SG that were going to the movies with Mno con Susanabut not with S[= you didn’ t say that you were going with Susana]43) a. * Dijiste que ibas a ir al cine con María, (y) con Susana nosaid.2SG that were going to the movies with M and with S notb. Dijiste que ibas a ir al cine con María,said.2SG that were going to the movies with Mcon Susana nobut with S noSo, it seems that the use of ‘but’ licenses a derivation as in (28)c, and that its absence (orNKO+the presence of ‘and’ ) requires a Depiante-style analysis (14)b.In constituent negation cases (Ø/ ), the fragment can be “extraposed” (this requires focalaccent on the correlate).44) Juan ha ido AL CINE con María, (y) no al teatroJ has gone to the movies with M and not to the theatreBut if this was movement, it would amount to a CSC violation, so maybe in this case there isa second ellipsis operation45) Juan ha ido [[AL CINE con María], (y) [no al teatro con María]]J has gone to the movies with M and not to the theatre with MBut, then, with more complicated examples, there would also have to be movement within thenegative fragment, which would entail that constituent negation may also be given an ellipsisanalysis46) [[AL CINE ha dicho Juan que ha ido con María]to the movies has said J that has gone with M[(y) no al teatro [ha dicho Juan que ha ido con María]]]and not to the theatre has said J that has gone with M6 ReferencesBosque, Ignacio (1984), “Negación y elipsis”,Brucart, José (1987),, Bellaterra, Barcelona.Brucart, José (1999), “La elipsis”, in Bosque & Demonte (eds.),Espasa-Calpe, Madrid.Depiante, Marcela (2000),, PhD dissertation, University of Connecticut.Depiante, Marcela (2001), “Ellipsis in Spanish and the Stray Affix Filter”,Erteschik-Shir, Nomi (1998),Laka, Itziar (1990),, PhD dissertation, MIT, Oxford University Press, Oxford.McCawley, James (1991), “Metalinguistic negation and contrastive negation”,.Merchant, Jason (2003), “Remarks on stripping”, ms., University of Chicago.Merchant, Jason (2004), “Fragments and ellipsis”,Morgan, Jerry (1973), “Sentence fragments and the notion of ‘sentence’ ”, in Kachru et al (eds.),, University of Illinois Press, Urbana-Champaign.Nilsen, Øystein (2003),, PhD dissertation, University of Utrecht.., 171-199.Luis VicenteLeiden University Centre for LinguisticsP.O. Box 95152300 RA Leiden’˜http://www.luisvicente.net