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168the singing of the Nootka and Kwakiutl were also discussed by Ida Halpern at the“Centennial Workshop on Ethnomusicology” in 1967: “There are slight polyphonictendencies noticeable. However, to speak of polyphony when there is a slight momentarydiscrepancy of pitch should not be considered true polyphony, but unintentionalpolyphony. Some of the Nootka songs, however, have a more truly polyphonic feelingthan those of the Kwakiutl” (Halpern, 1975:25). Later she notes that polyphonic moments“always occurred the same way in the same song” (pg. 42).According to Keeling vocal counterpoint is particularly characteristic for theCalifornian Indians: “Throughout this area the various tribes also perform seculardances such as Shakehead Dance or the Pomo Ball Dance, and these illustrate the basicstyle of group singing in the region. This music resembles the Northwestern style in thatit is contrapuntal , but the nature of the counterpoint is very different. In north-centralCalifornia, the solo part is augmented by another basically rhythmic part known as “therock.” This is an accompaniment, sung by one person, and the singing itself is called“holding rock”. In addition to the soloist and the “rock” there is rhythmic beating ofclapsticks (played by the singer) and often the sound of whistles blown by dancers, sothat the whole musical texture is fairly complex” (Keeling 2001:415-416). “…Thepresence of vocal counterpoint as a basic element in public singing is one of the mostdistinctive characteristics. While certain types of polyphony have been noted amongtribes of the Northwest Coast, true rhythmic counterpoint is much more prevalent inCalifornia than in other regions of North America. Contrapuntal styles have beendescribed here among the Northwestern and north-central California nations, but othertypes o f counterpoint are also evident in historical sources and archival recordings ofmusic pertaining to certain earlier rituals of Southern California groups” (ibid :418).Another important region for indigenous polyphonic traditions was theEastern Coast. In the Northeast, drone was mostly used. Roberts mentionspolyphonic songs with several singers singing a main melody and others carrying a drone(Roberts, 1936:7). Menomini also used a drone “to help the singers” (Densmore,1939:26). In another interesting case, “ Female informant, wife of a medicine man,helped her husband to sing by standing beside him and singing a drone above hismelody” (Nettl, 1961:359). Therefore, drone could be a top part as well. The Delawareand Fox Indians also used drone in their traditional songs (Baker, 1882:14).Information about polyphony from Southwestern USA is more fragmentaryand only mentions a couple of tribes from remote regions: the Yaqui women sang a veryhigh drone (octave and fifths above the tonic) (Fillmore, 1889:306). The Papago womenalso used a drone above the melody “for the space of three or four measures” (Densmore,1929:14). Call-and-response with the soloist and chorus “stepping” on each other (oroverlapping) in a dance song of the Creek Indians has been eloquently described: “It is ...difficult to divide between where the leader stops and the chorus comes in . . . The moreanimated the dance becomes, the more merged and rapid are the parts. The effect of thisis . . . bordering almost on harmony” (Speck, 1911:162. Cited from Nettl, 1961:360). TheCherokee and Shawnee are also documented to have the same kind of responsorialsinging with parts “stepping” on each other (Nettl, 1961:360).Information on Plain Indian polyphony is also available. And again, we seethe use of drone, sung by women of the Pawnee Indians from the northwest and south
169west of the region (Densmore, 1930:659). According to Helen Roberts, the Oglala Siouxsang in parallel thirds and simple imitation-like call-and-response where the chorus startswhile the soloist is still singing. Her general remark is “choral singing was commonamong the Oglala Sioux” (Roberts, 1936:7). The Arapaho are also noted for suchcadencial two-part singing.Nettl also discusses the very interesting tradition of the use of the instrumentaldrone in this region. Drumming on the kettledrum, partly filled with water (andaccordingly specially tuned) accompanies singing with a steady instrumental “rhythmicdrone” . It is very interesting that according to Nettl (who transcribed such songs from theArapaho Peyote), the kettledrum is tuned to either the tonic of the melody, or a fifthbelow the tonic (Nettl, 1961:358). Polyphonic elements in Peyote songs are alsomentioned by Gooding (2001:445).Summarizing the information on polyphony among North American Indians,Nettl writes that out of six musical areas, identified in his seminal work on Indian music(Nettl, 1954), “only two, the Great Basin and the Athabascan, one an exceedinglysimple style and the other represented only by the Navaho and Apache, lack referencesto Polyphony” (Nettl, 1961:360). In the concluding part of the article Nettl discussesdifferent possibilities of the meager distribution of vocal polyphonic traditions amongNorth American Indians, and suggests two different models: (1) vocal polyphonictraditions among American Indians existed earlier much more widely, and the isolatedregions with elements of part singing are only the remnants of this old tradition, or (2) bythe time of the first contact with Europeans American Indians were “on the threshold ofdeveloping an elaborate polyphonic style” (Nettl, 1961:362). I do not want to discussthese very interesting historical issues in this part of the book, dedicated to a review ofthe information available from various sources. We will discuss this topic in the secondpart of the book, in a special section (or “case”), dedicated to the vocal polyphony ofAmerican Indians.South AmericaIt became a commonplace in ethnomusicological publications to note that SouthAmerican Indians’ singing traditions contain much more polyphony than those of theirNorth American counterparts. “In spite of the dearth of polyphony in North America, ithas often been taken for granted that Central and South American Indians had complexpolyphonic styles” (Nettl, 1961:354). According to Alan Lomax, “Polyphonic singing,which is frequently diffusely organized counterpoint, occurs in South America especiallyalong the eastern slopes of the Andes. In this area too one encounters an unemphatic,soft-voiced, subdued, feminine-sounding style, with a frequent use of harmony. Suchsinging can be heard in the backwoods of highland Peru (Q’eros) and from the Campa ofthe eastern Andean slopes, through Venezuela and Colombia, into southern Mexicoamong the Tzotzil” (Lomax, 1968:85)Q’ero.Probably one of the most interesting surviving musical traditionscomes from the small tribe of Q’ero (about four hundred people only left), who live in theCusco region of the Andes in Peru. Although some consider Q’ero to be Inca survivals,scholars think that Q’ero musical culture “probable reflects an even earlier diversity withan Inka overlay” (Cohen, 1998:225). Most importantly for our topic, the Q’ero have
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168<strong>the</strong> singing of <strong>the</strong> Nootka and Kwakiutl were also discussed by Ida Halpern at <strong>the</strong>“Centennial Workshop on Ethnomusicology” in 1967: “There are slight polyphonictendencies noticeable. However, to speak of polyphony when <strong>the</strong>re is a slight momentarydiscrepancy of pitch should not be considered true polyphony, but unintentionalpolyphony. Some of <strong>the</strong> Nootka songs, however, have a more truly polyphonic feelingthan those of <strong>the</strong> Kwakiutl” (Halpern, 1975:25). Later she notes that polyphonic moments“always occurred <strong>the</strong> same way in <strong>the</strong> same song” (pg. 42).According to Keeling vocal counterpoint is particularly characteristic for <strong>the</strong>Californian Indians: “Throughout this area <strong>the</strong> various tribes also perform seculardances such as Shakehead Dance or <strong>the</strong> Pomo Ball Dance, and <strong>the</strong>se illustrate <strong>the</strong> basicstyle of group singing in <strong>the</strong> region. This music resembles <strong>the</strong> Northwestern style in thatit is contrapuntal , but <strong>the</strong> nature of <strong>the</strong> counterpoint is very different. In north-centralCalifornia, <strong>the</strong> solo part is augmented by ano<strong>the</strong>r basically rhythmic part known as “<strong>the</strong>rock.” This is an accompaniment, sung by one person, and <strong>the</strong> singing itself is called“holding rock”. In addition to <strong>the</strong> soloist and <strong>the</strong> “rock” <strong>the</strong>re is rhythmic beating ofclapsticks (played by <strong>the</strong> singer) and often <strong>the</strong> sound of whistles blown by dancers, sothat <strong>the</strong> <strong>who</strong>le musical texture is fairly complex” (Keeling 2001:415-416). “…Thepresence of vocal counterpoint as a basic element in public singing is one of <strong>the</strong> mostdistinctive characteristics. While certain types of polyphony have been noted amongtribes of <strong>the</strong> Northwest Coast, true rhythmic counterpoint is much more prevalent inCalifornia than in o<strong>the</strong>r regions of North America. Contrapuntal styles have beendescribed here among <strong>the</strong> Northwestern and north-central California nations, but o<strong>the</strong>rtypes o f counterpoint are also evident in historical sources and archival recordings ofmusic pertaining to certain earlier rituals of Sou<strong>the</strong>rn California groups” (ibid :418).Ano<strong>the</strong>r important region for indigenous polyphonic traditions was <strong>the</strong>Eastern Coast. In <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>ast, drone was mostly used. Roberts mentionspolyphonic songs with several singers singing a main melody and o<strong>the</strong>rs carrying a drone(Roberts, 1936:7). Menomini also used a drone “to help <strong>the</strong> singers” (Densmore,1939:26). In ano<strong>the</strong>r interesting case, “ Female informant, wife of a medicine man,helped her husband to sing by standing beside him and singing a drone above hismelody” (Nettl, 1961:359). Therefore, drone could be a top part as well. The Delawareand Fox Indians also used drone in <strong>the</strong>ir traditional songs (Baker, 1882:14).Information about polyphony from Southwestern USA is more fragmentaryand only mentions a couple of tribes from remote regions: <strong>the</strong> Yaqui women sang a veryhigh drone (octave and fifths above <strong>the</strong> tonic) (Fillmore, 1889:306). The Papago womenalso used a drone above <strong>the</strong> melody “for <strong>the</strong> space of three or four measures” (Densmore,1929:14). Call-and-response with <strong>the</strong> soloist and chorus “stepping” on each o<strong>the</strong>r (oroverlapping) in a dance song of <strong>the</strong> Creek Indians has been eloquently described: “It is ...difficult to divide between where <strong>the</strong> leader stops and <strong>the</strong> chorus comes in . . . The moreanimated <strong>the</strong> dance becomes, <strong>the</strong> more merged and rapid are <strong>the</strong> parts. The effect of thisis . . . bordering almost on harmony” (Speck, 1911:162. Cited from Nettl, 1961:360). TheCherokee and Shawnee are also documented to have <strong>the</strong> same kind of responsorialsinging with parts “stepping” on each o<strong>the</strong>r (Nettl, 1961:360).Information on Plain Indian polyphony is also available. And again, we see<strong>the</strong> use of drone, sung by women of <strong>the</strong> Pawnee Indians from <strong>the</strong> northwest and south