Bashar's Syria: The Regime and its Strategic Worldview Shmuel Bar ...
Bashar's Syria: The Regime and its Strategic Worldview Shmuel Bar ... Bashar's Syria: The Regime and its Strategic Worldview Shmuel Bar ...
Bashar’s Syria 385Figure 2. The Syrian Young Guard.2003). This process was repeated prior to the 10th Congress. Thus, by the end of 2005,the face of the various bodies of the Ba’th party had been fundamentally altered. Thisdrive for rejuvenation is common among many young leaders who have inherited theirfathers’ positions. Kings Abdallah of Jordan and Mohammad of Morocco have taken suchsteps, as had King Hussein when he came to the throne. The motivation behind these stepsalso is common: it is difficult for a leader to take over an authoritarian position whenhis close advisors are people who remember him as a child, or who can draw on theirexperience of decisions that the leader’s omnipotent and omniscient parent had taken insimilar circumstances.Until recently there has been little open discussion within the Syrian Ba’th of formalchanges in ideological axioms or traditional slogans. This derived both from ideologicalconservatism and a sense of the irrelevance of the ideology. Hence, the debate regardingreform focused not on the credo of the party, but on its practical application. Practicalreforms in the party itself have been marginal. They include more freedom in elections onthe local level of the party, instructions (July 2004) to the media to refer to party membersas “Mr.” and not as “Comrade” (rafiq), and so fourth. Open discussion of ideological reformhas increased since Bashar al-Asad came to power, and was particularly explicit during theperiod leading up to the 10th Regional Congress (June 2005). Since then, the demands forreform within the party have died down, or at least are not voiced in official party organs.The “reformist trend” within the Ba’th party is clearly identified with the youngergeneration. However, while most of those who are identified as reformists belong to theyoung guard, not all of those identified as members of the “young guard” are in favor ofreforms. There is no indication that the younger members of the Ba’th nomenklatura—theAsad family or the second generation of the original leaders of the regime—favor reformsthat would divest them of their privileges and the economic monopolies they control. Theyoung generation of the military and the mokhabarat also has shown no evidence that theyare in favor of true economic or political reform.
386 S. BarThe reformist trend within the party is represented mainly by second-tier youngerparty members who have recently climbed the ladders of the hierarchy (branch heads andmembers of the Central Committee and of the Regional Congress), but have been blockedby the lack of mobility at the top. Prime examples include: Haytham Satayhi: Served in the Presidential Office under Hafez al-Asad, there hecame to know Bashar. Currently a member of the Regional Command, Ayman ‘abd al-Nur: Ba’thist economist who calls for reform but supports Bashar, Buthayna Sha’aban: Hafez al-Asad’s personal interpreter, and an ardent Ba’thist, Iyad Ghazal: Second generation party official, currently DG of the Syrian Railways, Majed Shadoud: Former member of the Regional Command, Ghiyab Barakat: Member of the Syrian Computer Society, former member of theRegional Command, Walid al-Bouz: Former Governor of Quneitra, Member of the Regional Command, Riad al-Abrash: Former IMF economist and economics professor, Mohammad al-Hussein: Minister of Economy, Formerly Professor of Economy atAleppo University, Hasan Risha: PhD in Engineering from Leningrad Polytechnic, member of the SyrianComputer Society, Mahdi Dakhlallah: Pro-reformist former member of the staff of the National Command,was editor of al-Ba’th, Minister of Information, and Bilal Turkemani: The son of the Minister of Defense who owns the weekly Abyadwa-Aswad (Black and White) which is identified with demands for reform abrogatingthe emergency laws.In many cases, reformists within the party (see above) are the scions of senior andpowerful party members and enjoy political latitude by virtue of their protection. Suchcases include: Iyad Ghazal, the reformist-minded director of Syria Rail, is the son of the governorof Deraa and apparently enjoys his protection, Bilal Hasan Turkemani is the son of Defense Minister Hasan Turkemani, Nabil ‘Amran is the son of the powerful Alawite ‘Amran clan of the Haddadin tribe,and Ayman ‘Abd al-Nur is also a second generation Ba’th member, who became activein the party thanks to his father,These Ba’thist reformists do not represent an internal party phenomenon alone butshould be seen in the context of the burgeoning “civil-society movement” (harakat almujtama’al-madani), which emerged almost immediately after Bashar came to power (aperiod popularly referred to as the “Damascus Spring” that began in early 2001) and wassuppressed in the winter of 2001 (the “Damascus Winter”). Many of the Ba’thist reformistsmentioned above are outspoken advocates of the reformist movement 71 and differ from itmainly in their choice to continue to attempt to influence the existing order from within. Thereformist trend of intellectuals and youth within the party has been dubbed by the Syrian“Samizdat” press the “Jasmine Revolution.” This was supposed to have been a “whiterevolution” initiated by Bashar along the lines of Sadat’s policy of purging the “pillarsof power” in the former regime of Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasser and allowing criticism of theformer regime (“de-Nasserization”) from 1971 on. The goal of this “revolution” was not totopple the party or the regime but to transform it through reform of the party and the stateinstitutions, and by broadening democracy within the party. Reformists had pinned their
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Bashar’s <strong>Syria</strong> 385Figure 2. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Syria</strong>n Young Guard.2003). This process was repeated prior to the 10th Congress. Thus, by the end of 2005,the face of the various bodies of the Ba’th party had been fundamentally altered. Thisdrive for rejuvenation is common among many young leaders who have inherited theirfathers’ positions. Kings Abdallah of Jordan <strong>and</strong> Mohammad of Morocco have taken suchsteps, as had King Hussein when he came to the throne. <strong>The</strong> motivation behind these stepsalso is common: it is difficult for a leader to take over an authoritarian position whenhis close advisors are people who remember him as a child, or who can draw on theirexperience of decisions that the leader’s omnipotent <strong>and</strong> omniscient parent had taken insimilar circumstances.Until recently there has been little open discussion within the <strong>Syria</strong>n Ba’th of formalchanges in ideological axioms or traditional slogans. This derived both from ideologicalconservatism <strong>and</strong> a sense of the irrelevance of the ideology. Hence, the debate regardingreform focused not on the credo of the party, but on <strong>its</strong> practical application. Practicalreforms in the party <strong>its</strong>elf have been marginal. <strong>The</strong>y include more freedom in elections onthe local level of the party, instructions (July 2004) to the media to refer to party membersas “Mr.” <strong>and</strong> not as “Comrade” (rafiq), <strong>and</strong> so fourth. Open discussion of ideological reformhas increased since Bashar al-Asad came to power, <strong>and</strong> was particularly explicit during theperiod leading up to the 10th Regional Congress (June 2005). Since then, the dem<strong>and</strong>s forreform within the party have died down, or at least are not voiced in official party organs.<strong>The</strong> “reformist trend” within the Ba’th party is clearly identified with the youngergeneration. However, while most of those who are identified as reformists belong to theyoung guard, not all of those identified as members of the “young guard” are in favor ofreforms. <strong>The</strong>re is no indication that the younger members of the Ba’th nomenklatura—theAsad family or the second generation of the original leaders of the regime—favor reformsthat would divest them of their privileges <strong>and</strong> the economic monopolies they control. <strong>The</strong>young generation of the military <strong>and</strong> the mokhabarat also has shown no evidence that theyare in favor of true economic or political reform.