Perversion the Social Relation
Perversion the Social Relation Perversion the Social Relation
"IKltOWOctave MannoniTranslated by G. M. GoshgarianAs soon as we begin to attend to the psychological problems thrown upby beliefs, we discover that they cover a very broad range of experienceand display rather close similarities across the most widely divergentdomains. Because these problems remain unsolved, we are not only unableto say with certainty what a sixteenth-century humanist—Rabelais,for instance—did or did not believe, but are not much better off whenit comes to assessing our contemporaries' ambivalent belief in superstitions.The ethnographers cite astonishing statements by their informants,who assure them that people used to believe in masks in the olddays; but these ethnographers do not always clearly tell us just what haschanged since, as if the change in question could be chalked up, as itwere, to the steady spread of enlightenment. It is a fairly safe bet that abelief of this sort has always been associated with the old days; but wewould like to know why. A person watching a magician perform doesnot for an instant believe that his tricks are magic, yet she insists that theillusion be "perfect." We would be hard put to say who is supposed to befooled. Something similar occurs in the theater—is, indeed, so much apart of the theater that playwrights have devised "induction scenes," asin The Taming of the Shrew, or imagined little fables about naive, gulliblespectators who take what happens on the stage for real life. These arerun-of-the-mill examples of the problem of belief; others, as we shallsee, are more surprising.Psychoanalysis, which encounters problems of belief every day, has
"I Know Well, but All the Same ..." 69not made much effort to elucidate them. Freud has suggested how itmight, but he makes the suggestion obliquely and unexpectedly, whichdoubtless explains why virtually no one has explored the path he hasopened up. It may be noted that neither the word "belief" nor any ofits equivalents in other languages appears in the index to any edition ofhis works.The problem of belief necessarily arose very early for Freud, and henever lost sight of it. It forms the subject of one of his last writings (leftunfinished in 1938), 1 which approaches the question as something bothquite familiar and altogether new. But it is in a very short 1927 paper onthe problem of fetishism that Freud opens up the problematic of belief,in the course of defining Verleugnung with all the precision the conceptrequires. This German term may be rendered by the French désaveu orrépudiation [or the English disavowal or repudiation]. It occurs in Freudas early as 1923, always in passages that turn, implicitly or explicitly,on the question of belief. This is so consistently the case that, to locatethe passages in question despite the lacuna in the indexes, one need onlylook up the term Verleugnung.It is well known how Verleugnung comes into play in the constitutionof fetishism, according to Freud's 1927 essay. When a child first becomesaware of the anatomy of the female body, he discovers, in reality, the absenceof a penis; but, so as to preserve his belief in the existence of thematernal phallus, he disavows or repudiates the refutation of his beliefthat is imposed by reality. Yet he can retain this belief only at the priceof a radical transformation (which Freud tends to treat, first and foremost,as a modification of the ego). "It is not true," says Freud, "that,after the child has made his observation of the woman, he has preservedunaltered his belief that women have a phallus. He has retained that belief,but he has also given it up. ... a compromise has been reached,as is only possible under the dominance of the .. . primary processes.The child has maintained a divided attitude towards that belief." 2 This"divided attitude" becomes, in the 1938 text, the splitting of the ego. .Belief is transformed under the influence of the primary processes;in other words, it is subject, in the final analysis, to the effects of therepressed, especially of unconscious desire. In this sense, it obeys thebasic laws. However, Verleugnung itself has nothing in common withrepression, as Freud expressly states and as we shall explain in a mo-
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"IKltOWOctave MannoniTranslated by G. M. GoshgarianAs soon as we begin to attend to <strong>the</strong> psychological problems thrown upby beliefs, we discover that <strong>the</strong>y cover a very broad range of experienceand display ra<strong>the</strong>r close similarities across <strong>the</strong> most widely divergentdomains. Because <strong>the</strong>se problems remain unsolved, we are not only unableto say with certainty what a sixteenth-century humanist—Rabelais,for instance—did or did not believe, but are not much better off whenit comes to assessing our contemporaries' ambivalent belief in superstitions.The ethnographers cite astonishing statements by <strong>the</strong>ir informants,who assure <strong>the</strong>m that people used to believe in masks in <strong>the</strong> olddays; but <strong>the</strong>se ethnographers do not always clearly tell us just what haschanged since, as if <strong>the</strong> change in question could be chalked up, as itwere, to <strong>the</strong> steady spread of enlightenment. It is a fairly safe bet that abelief of this sort has always been associated with <strong>the</strong> old days; but wewould like to know why. A person watching a magician perform doesnot for an instant believe that his tricks are magic, yet she insists that <strong>the</strong>illusion be "perfect." We would be hard put to say who is supposed to befooled. Something similar occurs in <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ater—is, indeed, so much apart of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ater that playwrights have devised "induction scenes," asin The Taming of <strong>the</strong> Shrew, or imagined little fables about naive, gulliblespectators who take what happens on <strong>the</strong> stage for real life. These arerun-of-<strong>the</strong>-mill examples of <strong>the</strong> problem of belief; o<strong>the</strong>rs, as we shallsee, are more surprising.Psychoanalysis, which encounters problems of belief every day, has