Perversion the Social Relation
Perversion the Social Relation Perversion the Social Relation
158 James Penneyselves approvingly, in other words, is the selfsame agency through which we reproachourselves for our inadequacies. The movement from morality to ethics may be definedas coinciding with the subject's ability to liberate itself from such egoic dependenciesand to self-legislate: to rationalize its act ex nihilo, with reference to nothing otherthan the sacred legality of desire. Obviously, it is precisely this movement that Gillesand his auditors failed to effect.31 One may suggestively juxtapose the tremendous comfort and pleasure with whichGilles seems to adopt the role of the moral pedagogue with the serenity of the fetishistwho, according to Freud, shows himself "quite satisfied" with his fetish. It isalso possible to compare the paradox of Gilles's idea of his empirical guilt and metaphysicalinnocence with the fetishist's ability to entertain two contradictory propositionsconcerning his psychical experience of castration: "The woman has still gota penis," says the fetishist at the same time that he admits "[his] father has castratedthe woman." See Freud, "Fetishism," SE XXI, 152,157.32 This is just the tip of the iceberg, as the saying goes, of the evidence in favor of thepolitical stakes involved in the trial of Gilles de Rais. Indeed, only when the ecclesiasticaland political authorities had fully taken advantage of Gilles's declining situationdid they begin to amass the evidence required for an arrest. As Salomon Reinach hasargued, Gilles's profligacy was not entirely out of control, for he made a condition forthe sale of his most strategically located castles that his right to reacquisition be recognizedfor a full six years after the transaction. As a result of this clause, the buyersclearly developed a vested interest in the obliteration of Gilles, since only his deathor long-term incapacitation could have safeguarded their ownership of Gilles's property,and since Gilles had no sons to whom he could bequeath his fortune. Further,Reinach suggests that Jean de Malestroit, allied to the English during the HundredYears War, had a personal vendetta against Gilles, having been arrested in the battleof Saint-Jean de Beuvron by the constable de Richemont under whom Gilles served(Reinach, "Gilles de Rais,"269-70). As Michel Bataille succinctly puts it, "Gilles wasnot beaten by judges, but by political and financial rivals" {Gilles de Rais, 175). JeanBenedetti provides additional details about the duke of Brittany's political and materialinterest in Gilles's downfall {Gilles de Rais [New York: Stein and Day, 1972],156-90).33 Jacques Heers, Gilles de Rais. Vérités et légendes (Paris: Perrin, 1994), 12.
IfSctPrMintoStyrwTsfft*Michael P. BiblerPublished at precisely the moment when the arguments about race hadreached crisis proportions in the United States, William Styron's 1967novel The Confessions of Nat Turner became one of those rare sticksof literary dynamite that threatened to blow the already fragile nationinto irreparable fragments. 1 In retrospect, it was almost inevitable thatthe bulk of the novel's readers would immediately divide into polarizedcamps presenting only two ways to read the text: either we mustcarefully praise this white southerner for daring to write from the perspectiveof a black hero, or we must condemn him forthwith. 2 Yet,surprisingly, as the academic battles over race, history, and literary representationspread into the streets, the textual ingredient that madethe novel so explosive—the part that inflamed and rallied readers themost—involved an altogether different category of identity than race:homosexuality. Without any historical evidence to support him, Styronignored the real Nat Turner's marriage to a woman and instead representedhis controversial protagonist as having only one sexual encounterin his entire life, this time with a male slave named Willis. Many in theblack community interpreted this change as a serious affront and attackedStyron for it. Indeed, in perhaps the most organized responseto the novel—William Styron's Nat Turner: Ten Black Writers Respond(1968)—each of the contributors treats Styron's admittedly unusual decisionto include this homosexual scene as the one thing that, above allelse, should galvanize the black community into an angry and cohesive
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158 James Penneyselves approvingly, in o<strong>the</strong>r words, is <strong>the</strong> selfsame agency through which we reproachourselves for our inadequacies. The movement from morality to ethics may be definedas coinciding with <strong>the</strong> subject's ability to liberate itself from such egoic dependenciesand to self-legislate: to rationalize its act ex nihilo, with reference to nothing o<strong>the</strong>rthan <strong>the</strong> sacred legality of desire. Obviously, it is precisely this movement that Gillesand his auditors failed to effect.31 One may suggestively juxtapose <strong>the</strong> tremendous comfort and pleasure with whichGilles seems to adopt <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> moral pedagogue with <strong>the</strong> serenity of <strong>the</strong> fetishistwho, according to Freud, shows himself "quite satisfied" with his fetish. It isalso possible to compare <strong>the</strong> paradox of Gilles's idea of his empirical guilt and metaphysicalinnocence with <strong>the</strong> fetishist's ability to entertain two contradictory propositionsconcerning his psychical experience of castration: "The woman has still gota penis," says <strong>the</strong> fetishist at <strong>the</strong> same time that he admits "[his] fa<strong>the</strong>r has castrated<strong>the</strong> woman." See Freud, "Fetishism," SE XXI, 152,157.32 This is just <strong>the</strong> tip of <strong>the</strong> iceberg, as <strong>the</strong> saying goes, of <strong>the</strong> evidence in favor of <strong>the</strong>political stakes involved in <strong>the</strong> trial of Gilles de Rais. Indeed, only when <strong>the</strong> ecclesiasticaland political authorities had fully taken advantage of Gilles's declining situationdid <strong>the</strong>y begin to amass <strong>the</strong> evidence required for an arrest. As Salomon Reinach hasargued, Gilles's profligacy was not entirely out of control, for he made a condition for<strong>the</strong> sale of his most strategically located castles that his right to reacquisition be recognizedfor a full six years after <strong>the</strong> transaction. As a result of this clause, <strong>the</strong> buyersclearly developed a vested interest in <strong>the</strong> obliteration of Gilles, since only his deathor long-term incapacitation could have safeguarded <strong>the</strong>ir ownership of Gilles's property,and since Gilles had no sons to whom he could bequeath his fortune. Fur<strong>the</strong>r,Reinach suggests that Jean de Malestroit, allied to <strong>the</strong> English during <strong>the</strong> HundredYears War, had a personal vendetta against Gilles, having been arrested in <strong>the</strong> battleof Saint-Jean de Beuvron by <strong>the</strong> constable de Richemont under whom Gilles served(Reinach, "Gilles de Rais,"269-70). As Michel Bataille succinctly puts it, "Gilles wasnot beaten by judges, but by political and financial rivals" {Gilles de Rais, 175). JeanBenedetti provides additional details about <strong>the</strong> duke of Brittany's political and materialinterest in Gilles's downfall {Gilles de Rais [New York: Stein and Day, 1972],156-90).33 Jacques Heers, Gilles de Rais. Vérités et légendes (Paris: Perrin, 1994), 12.