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Perversion the Social Relation

Perversion the Social Relation

Perversion the Social Relation

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8 Molly Anne Ro<strong>the</strong>nberg and Dennis Fosterof righteousness, approved by <strong>the</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>r. And yet we would not want todiscount <strong>the</strong> possible virtues of a community structured by perversion.Here we want to distinguish between two realms of interaction, <strong>the</strong>social and <strong>the</strong> political. The crucial distinction between <strong>the</strong>se two realmsconcerns <strong>the</strong> function of fantasy. What we call political interaction isprompted and shaped by a fantasy of wholeness, omnipotence, linearcausality, and/or <strong>the</strong> recovery of lost essence. Each individual participatesin this fantasy in his own way, to <strong>the</strong> extent that he is involvedin <strong>the</strong> political action. Each "hooks" into <strong>the</strong> fantasy using his or herown personal psychodynamics, which means, in effect, that <strong>the</strong> politicalfantasy looks quite different from <strong>the</strong> vantage of any given individual:I may join an anti-war march because I imagine myself as being part ofa powerful movement that will change <strong>the</strong> world, or I may participatebecause I enjoy confrontation. In political action, <strong>the</strong> symbolic spacebecomes a field in which, under an Imaginary vision, <strong>the</strong> defenses andjouissance of individual psyches can be activated. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, eachindividual will stage his or her enjoyment differently by means of <strong>the</strong>political fantasy. The successful political action is what enables <strong>the</strong> participantsto believe that <strong>the</strong>y share <strong>the</strong> same fantasy, that is, have <strong>the</strong>same interests, agree on <strong>the</strong> same reasons for joining, and seek <strong>the</strong> samemeans and ends when <strong>the</strong>y don't, when <strong>the</strong>ir access to jouissance derivesfrom strikingly different sources. In this way, <strong>the</strong> political fantasy allowsindividuals to experience <strong>the</strong>mselves as maximally particularized andnarcissistically omnipotent ("This is my destiny, my power, my vision of<strong>the</strong> world") under <strong>the</strong> sign of commonality. Of course, <strong>the</strong> core politicalfantasy may represent some o<strong>the</strong>r group as abject or abhorrent, butthis representation serves, as we well know, to reinforce <strong>the</strong> identificatoryprocesses within <strong>the</strong> political group and, more importantly, to mobilizewhat Èizek calls "obscene enjoyment." At bottom, however, <strong>the</strong>political fantasy orchestrates narcissism by way of a structure wherein<strong>the</strong> individual imagines that his compatriots are like himself, enjoyingin <strong>the</strong> same way.The social realm does not function by way of this fantasy. Individualsdo not have to be lured into believing <strong>the</strong>y share <strong>the</strong> same fantasy,<strong>the</strong> same enjoyment, in order for <strong>the</strong> social relation to obtain. The socialrelation transpires in a symbolic space, but no overarching fantasyof group identifications and exclusions is in play. Fantasies abound; in

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