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Perversion the Social Relation

Perversion the Social Relation

Perversion the Social Relation

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122 Slavoj Èizekmolecular collectivity and <strong>the</strong> "bad" paranoiac-molar one: molar/rigidversus molecular/supple; rhizomatic flows, with <strong>the</strong>ir molecular segmentarity(based on mutations, deterritorialization, connections, and accelerations),versus classes or solids, with <strong>the</strong>ir rigid segmentarity (binaryorganization, resonance, overcoding). 10 This opposition—a variation ofSartre's old <strong>the</strong>sis, from his Critique of Dialectical Reason, about <strong>the</strong> reversalof <strong>the</strong> praxis of <strong>the</strong> au<strong>the</strong>ntic group dialectics into <strong>the</strong> "praticoinert"logic of <strong>the</strong> alienated institution (Deleuze himself often directlyrefers to Sartre)—is a false ("abstract") universalization, insofar as itoffers no space to articulate <strong>the</strong> key distinction between <strong>the</strong> two differentlogics of <strong>the</strong> very connection between micro- and macro-, localand global. The "paranoiac" State that "reterritorializes" <strong>the</strong> schizophrenicexplosion of <strong>the</strong> molecular multitude is not <strong>the</strong> only imaginableframe of <strong>the</strong> global collective social organization; <strong>the</strong> Leninist revolutionaryparty gives body to (or, ra<strong>the</strong>r, it announces) a totally differentlogic of collectivity. (What lies beneath this opposition is, of course,Deleuze's profoundly anti-Leninist distrust of any form of global firmorganization.)As it was clear already to Deleuze, one cannot provide in advance anunambiguous criterion allowing us to delimit <strong>the</strong> "false" violent outburstfrom <strong>the</strong> "miracle" of <strong>the</strong> au<strong>the</strong>ntic revolutionary breakthrough.The ambiguity is here irreducible, since <strong>the</strong> "miracle" can only occurthrough <strong>the</strong> repetition of previous failures. And this is also <strong>the</strong> reasonwhy violence is a necessary ingredient of a revolutionary political act.That is to say, what is <strong>the</strong> criterion of a political act proper? Success assuch clearly doesn't count, even if we define it in <strong>the</strong> dialectical way ofMerleau-Ponty, as <strong>the</strong> wager that <strong>the</strong> future will retroactively redeem ourpresent horrible acts (this is how, in his Humanism and Terror, Merleau-Ponty provided one of <strong>the</strong> more intelligent justifications of <strong>the</strong> Stalinistterror: retroactively, it will become justified if its final outcome will betrue freedom); 11 nei<strong>the</strong>r does <strong>the</strong> reference to some abstract-universalethical norms. The only criterion is <strong>the</strong> absolutely inherent one: that of<strong>the</strong> enacted Utopia. In a proper revolutionary breakthrough, <strong>the</strong> Utopianfuture is nei<strong>the</strong>r simply fully realized, present, nor simply evokedas a distant promise that justifies present violence. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, it is as if,in a unique suspension of temporality, in <strong>the</strong> short circuit between <strong>the</strong>present and <strong>the</strong> future, we are—as if by grace—for a brief time allowed

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