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Perversion the Social Relation

Perversion the Social Relation

Perversion the Social Relation

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The Masochist <strong>Social</strong> Link 119ized as <strong>the</strong> exemplary small bourgeois procedure, that of distinguishingin every phenomenon a "good" and a "bad" aspect, and <strong>the</strong>n affirming<strong>the</strong> good and getting rid of <strong>the</strong> bad—in our case, struggling to keep<strong>the</strong> "good" aspect (awareness of oppression) and discard <strong>the</strong> "bad" one(finding pleasure in oppression).The reason this "untying of <strong>the</strong> knot" doesn't work is that <strong>the</strong> onlytrue awareness of our subjection is <strong>the</strong> awareness of <strong>the</strong> obscene excessivepleasure (surplus enjoyment) we get from it. This is why <strong>the</strong> first gestureof liberation is not to get rid of this excessive pleasure, but to assumeit actively—exactly what <strong>the</strong> hero of Fight Club does. If, followingFanon, we define political violence not as opposed to work, but, precisely,as <strong>the</strong> ultimate political version of <strong>the</strong> "work of <strong>the</strong> negative," of<strong>the</strong> Hegelian process of Bildung, of <strong>the</strong> educational self-formation, <strong>the</strong>nviolence should primarily be conceived as self-violence, as a violent reformationof <strong>the</strong> very substance of subject's being—<strong>the</strong>rein resides <strong>the</strong>lesson of Fight Club.In his autobiography, Bertrand Russell reports how he was trying tohelp T. S. Eliot and his wife Vivien in <strong>the</strong>ir marital troubles, "until I discoveredthat <strong>the</strong>ir troubles were what <strong>the</strong>y enjoyed" 7 —in short, until hediscovered that <strong>the</strong>y enjoyed <strong>the</strong>ir symptom. How, <strong>the</strong>n, are we to drawa clear line of separation between this redeeming violence and <strong>the</strong> brutalacting out that just confirms one's entrapment? In an outstandingreading of Walter Benjamin's "Theses on <strong>the</strong> Philosophy of History,"Eric Santner elaborates Walter Benjamin's notion that a present revolutionaryintervention repeats/redeems <strong>the</strong> past failed attempts. 8 The"symptoms"—past traces that are retroactively redeemed through <strong>the</strong>"miracle" of <strong>the</strong> revolutionary intervention—are "not so much forgottendeeds, but ra<strong>the</strong>r forgotten failures to act, failures to suspend <strong>the</strong> forceof social bond inhibiting acts of solidarity with society's 'o<strong>the</strong>rs' ":Symptoms register not only past failed revolutionary attempts but,more modestly, past failures to respond to calls for action or even forempathy on behalf of those whose suffering in some sense belongsto <strong>the</strong> form of life of which one is a part. They hold <strong>the</strong> place ofsomething that is <strong>the</strong>re, that insists in our life, though it has neverachieved full ontological consistency. Symptoms are thus in somesense <strong>the</strong> virtual archives of voids—or, perhaps, better, defensesagainst voids—that persist in historical experience of "normal" so-

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