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Using Laboratory Experiments to Study Law and Crime - Chair of ...

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work. Despite this emphasis on experimental approaches, labora<strong>to</strong>ry experiments remain rare.In criminology we are typically interested in testing causal theories. Causal theoriesinclude two components – statements about causal relations <strong>and</strong> statements about causalmechanisms. A causal relation asserts that by varying one fac<strong>to</strong>r (X) we can affect another fac<strong>to</strong>r(Y). Mechanisms are the processes through which one variable influences the other (Hedström,2005; Horne <strong>and</strong> Hechter, 2009). <strong>Labora<strong>to</strong>ry</strong> experiments have unique strengths, not just inassessing causality (as field experiments do) but also in disentangling the mechanismsresponsible for causal relations. Thus they are valuable for testing causal theories.<strong>Labora<strong>to</strong>ry</strong> experiments are less useful for establishing the substantive importance <strong>of</strong>particular causal mechanisms <strong>and</strong> relations in the field. In other words, they are good for testingcausal theories, but not for studying properties <strong>of</strong> natural settings (Webster <strong>and</strong> Sell, 2007).<strong>Labora<strong>to</strong>ry</strong> experiments cannot tell us what the correlation is between disenfranchisement <strong>and</strong>recidivism in the United States (Manza <strong>and</strong> Uggen, 2006). But they can provide insightregarding the effects <strong>of</strong> exclusion from group leadership on obedience <strong>to</strong> the group’s rules.<strong>Labora<strong>to</strong>ry</strong> experiments cannot tell us how important a fac<strong>to</strong>r collective efficacy is forcontrolling crime in Chicago (or Seattle or Phoenix or Los Angeles) relative <strong>to</strong> other fac<strong>to</strong>rs(Sampson, Raudenbush, <strong>and</strong> Earls, 1997). But they can provide data showing that social supportfor sanctioning efforts affect levels <strong>of</strong> control in a group (Horne, 2009). <strong>Labora<strong>to</strong>ry</strong> experimentscannot tell us how much guards abuse prisoners or why particular people at Guantanamobehaved as they did. But they can show us how prison-like power structures can lead normalpeople <strong>to</strong> behave in abusive ways (Zimbardo, 2008).In sum, labora<strong>to</strong>ry experiments cannot tell us how substantively important particularcausal fac<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>and</strong> mechanisms are for predicting patterns in the field. They cannot tell us howmuch <strong>of</strong> the variance a particular causal fac<strong>to</strong>r explains in a substantive setting outside thelabora<strong>to</strong>ry. But they can help us <strong>to</strong> underst<strong>and</strong> the mechanisms that link a causal fac<strong>to</strong>r <strong>to</strong> anobserved outcome. They help us <strong>to</strong> underst<strong>and</strong> why we see the correlations we do. In otherwords, they increase our theoretical underst<strong>and</strong>ing. They increase (or decrease) our confidence3

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