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Subjectivism and Economic Analysis: Essays in memory of Ludwig ...

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BRIAN J.LOASBYconfusions are confus<strong>in</strong>g human action with mere reaction tochang<strong>in</strong>g circumstances. Our m<strong>in</strong>d is <strong>in</strong> cont<strong>in</strong>uous motion,mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> order<strong>in</strong>g experience. The formalists confuse thisactivity with its momentary product, which is an order, butnot one that could last.When people try to work out what to do they break problems up<strong>in</strong>to manageable units; <strong>and</strong> if we wish to underst<strong>and</strong> human actionso must we. I do not know what Lachmann thought <strong>of</strong> the ways <strong>in</strong>which Herbert Simon used his concepts <strong>of</strong> decomposability <strong>and</strong>bounded rationality, but he certa<strong>in</strong>ly made effective use <strong>of</strong> similarideas. Instead <strong>of</strong> general theoris<strong>in</strong>g about ‘the market process’, itwas necessary to get down to the detail <strong>of</strong> particular markets, <strong>and</strong>subsequently to explore <strong>in</strong>ter-market relationships. Lachmann’semphasis can be clearly differentiated from that <strong>of</strong> both Schumpeter<strong>and</strong> Kirzner: unlike Schumpeter, he believed that most progressresulted from a multitude <strong>of</strong> specific changes with<strong>in</strong> particularmarkets, <strong>and</strong> unlike Kirzner, he believed that people were creative<strong>and</strong> not merely alert—the ten-dollar bill had to be imag<strong>in</strong>ed before itcould be brought with<strong>in</strong> one’s grasp.These differences arise from a more fundamental dist<strong>in</strong>ction:Lachmann <strong>in</strong>sisted not only that all action, <strong>and</strong> all thought, relies onrules <strong>and</strong> conventions, but that these rules <strong>and</strong> conventions arelikely to vary between markets <strong>in</strong> ways that significantly affect thecourse <strong>of</strong> history. In a letter <strong>of</strong> 2 July 1989 he wrote:I entirely agree with you when you exhort us Austrians to paymore attention to <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>and</strong> organisations.…In fact myChapter 6 is at bottom an attempt to expla<strong>in</strong> fixprice markets<strong>of</strong> our world <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> their <strong>in</strong>stitutional <strong>and</strong> organisationalpeculiarities, with salesmen <strong>and</strong> the hierarchies to which theybelong rather than merchants.In that chapter (Lachmann 1986:103–38), Lachmann explores thecauses <strong>and</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> the different ranges <strong>of</strong> action envisagedby different classes <strong>of</strong> agent, not<strong>in</strong>g (ibid.: 120–1) that <strong>in</strong> Keynes’sGeneral Theory entrepreneurs have a much wider range than workers.Realis<strong>in</strong>g the potential ga<strong>in</strong>s from the division <strong>of</strong> labour requires ast<strong>and</strong>ardisation <strong>of</strong> tasks <strong>and</strong>, to a substantial extent, <strong>of</strong> the productsthat result from those tasks. And so markets <strong>in</strong> which productioncosts are fall<strong>in</strong>g are likely to be markets <strong>in</strong> which customers are notonly price-takers but product-takers, dependent for their range <strong>of</strong>22

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