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Subjectivism and Economic Analysis: Essays in memory of Ludwig ...

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HIERARCHICAL METAPHORSMany <strong>of</strong> these same concepts could be applied to the <strong>in</strong>stitutionalorder. Certa<strong>in</strong>ly complementarity is a central concept <strong>in</strong> discuss<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>stitutions. How well <strong>in</strong>stitutions mesh together is crucial to theirepistemological roles. One <strong>of</strong> Lachmann’s (1971:75ff.) fourcharacteristics <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutional order is ‘over-all complementarity’.He argues that clusters <strong>of</strong> related <strong>in</strong>stitutions might have highdegrees <strong>of</strong> complementarity (e.g., all <strong>of</strong> those <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g written ororal communication), but the relationships among clusters are notalways so ‘gapless’. For Lachmann, the ‘gap’ metaphor is a way <strong>of</strong>flesh<strong>in</strong>g out how complementary a set <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions is. He says <strong>of</strong>the legal system: ‘It has no “gaps”. A judge before whom a legal caseis brought can never refuse to give a decision on the grounds that heknows <strong>of</strong> no legal norm to apply to it. He has to f<strong>in</strong>d one’(Lachmann 1971:76–7).Interest<strong>in</strong>gly this same notion <strong>of</strong> ‘gaps <strong>in</strong> the structure’ appears <strong>in</strong>his discussion <strong>of</strong> capital <strong>and</strong> the way <strong>in</strong> which new<strong>in</strong>vestorentrepreneurs see opportunities for pr<strong>of</strong>it: ‘The shape <strong>in</strong>which new capital goods make their appearance is determ<strong>in</strong>edlargely by the exist<strong>in</strong>g pattern, <strong>in</strong> the sense that “<strong>in</strong>vestmentopportunities” really mean “holes <strong>in</strong> the pattern”’ (Lachmann1978:10). In both cases, what is at issue is the <strong>in</strong>ternal coherence <strong>of</strong>each structure, rather than some externally observable objectivepattern (ibid.: 57).Rather than see<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions as <strong>in</strong> hierarchical relationshipswith each other, a more fruitful conceptual device might be anexploration <strong>of</strong> the ways <strong>in</strong> which they can work together <strong>and</strong> thelimits to such complementarity. Concerns about <strong>in</strong>stitutionalcomplementarity are <strong>in</strong>herently l<strong>in</strong>ked with real historical time <strong>and</strong>unexpected change. How social order can be preserved <strong>in</strong> the face <strong>of</strong>an unknowable but not unimag<strong>in</strong>able future may well rest on theease with which different <strong>in</strong>stitutions can work together <strong>in</strong> variouscomb<strong>in</strong>ations to react to <strong>and</strong> anticipate (to the degree possible)future events.The issue <strong>of</strong> specificity also comes <strong>in</strong>to play with <strong>in</strong>stitutions.Rather than exam<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g how a particular <strong>in</strong>stitution fits with others,the specificity <strong>of</strong> an <strong>in</strong>stitution might refer to its own adaptability <strong>in</strong>the face <strong>of</strong> social change. The flexibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions may becrucial for provid<strong>in</strong>g social order. An example <strong>of</strong> this might be seen<strong>in</strong> the way <strong>in</strong> which many <strong>in</strong>digenous <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong> the Third Worldhave changed <strong>and</strong> adapted to be<strong>in</strong>g further permeated by marketforces. 12 Overly specific <strong>in</strong>stitutions may <strong>in</strong>hibit social order bybe<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>sufficiently flexible.153

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