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Subjectivism and Economic Analysis: Essays in memory of Ludwig ...

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RADICAL SUBJECTIVISMAustrian researchers are still divided on the research strategies to befollowed <strong>in</strong> order to avoid the sidel<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Austrian economics (forexample see Rizzo’s (1992) <strong>and</strong> White’s (1992) sharplydifferentiated positions). Although it is not an aim <strong>of</strong> my chapter tomake conjectures about the future Austrian impact on economicresearch, let me conclude by mak<strong>in</strong>g some remarks on a differentimplication <strong>of</strong> Vaughn’s proposal.One issue Vaughn leaves undiscussed is why the analysis <strong>of</strong>economic <strong>in</strong>stitutions cannot be based on the study <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividualbehaviour, as is traditional <strong>in</strong> the Austrian approach. She arguesthat:people carry out their projects <strong>and</strong> plans with<strong>in</strong> a variety <strong>of</strong>social <strong>in</strong>stitutions, all <strong>of</strong> which have both tacit <strong>and</strong> explicitrules <strong>of</strong> behaviour…. Indeed, an agreement between twopeople to engage <strong>in</strong> a recurrent pattern <strong>of</strong> behaviour vis à viseach other is also a form <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>in</strong>stitution’ or typical behaviour.(171)But here Vaughn neglects to refer to the fact that a lead<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> the recent developments <strong>in</strong> the economics <strong>of</strong><strong>in</strong>formation is that if opportunistic behaviour is properly taken <strong>in</strong>toaccount, then the typical contract between two asymmetrically<strong>in</strong>formed agents can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as the outcome <strong>of</strong> tacit rules <strong>of</strong>behaviour (for a summary, see Bowles <strong>and</strong> G<strong>in</strong>tis 1993). A morethorough <strong>in</strong>spection <strong>of</strong> the market as an <strong>in</strong>stitution reveals thatmany aspects <strong>of</strong> economic activity such as repeated <strong>in</strong>teraction forexchange purposes do not necessarily <strong>in</strong>volve the emergence <strong>of</strong>organisations, but can be expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>stead as the emergence <strong>of</strong>conventional behaviour among dist<strong>in</strong>ct market participants, <strong>and</strong>that this can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as ‘a form <strong>of</strong> “<strong>in</strong>stitution”’. This view isconsistent with the Austrian view <strong>of</strong> the market as represented byHayek. Hayek’s conception <strong>of</strong> the superiority <strong>of</strong> the market overalternative organisational sett<strong>in</strong>gs is not exclusively l<strong>in</strong>ked to theimpersonal work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the price system <strong>and</strong> its efficiency <strong>in</strong>diffus<strong>in</strong>g exist<strong>in</strong>g knowledge <strong>and</strong> creat<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>centives fordiscover<strong>in</strong>g new knowledge. It also emphasises the role <strong>of</strong> thoseforces <strong>of</strong> competition, such as imitative behaviour, rules <strong>and</strong>traditions, which were excluded by the Walrasian <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong>competition. The view that the exchange <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation that isdispersed throughout the system is achieved through a process thatis more complex than the Walrasian process <strong>of</strong> impersonal137

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