More on strategies of relativization: CP-extraction feed<strong>in</strong>g complementizer agreementDal<strong>in</strong>a KallulliUniversity of ViennaKlima (1964) took relative and sentential that to be <strong>the</strong> same element, namely a complementizerra<strong>the</strong>r than a relative pronoun, a view that has recently been extended to (simplex) whelements(Pesetsky & Torrego 2006 for English/Dutch, Bayer & Brandner 2008 for German,cf. also Kayne 1976). Under an alternative construal, sentential complements are relativeclauses (Manz<strong>in</strong>i & Savoia 2003, Kayne 2008). Tak<strong>in</strong>g my cue from Bavarian German(henceforth: BG), this paper provides novel arguments for <strong>the</strong> former view.1. Phenomenon: Felix (1985) draws attention to a peculiar construction <strong>in</strong> BG illustrated <strong>in</strong>(1), which is ungrammatical <strong>in</strong> Standard German (SG).(1) Das ist der Kerl i den i wenn ich e i erwisch, erschlag ich e i (BG)this is <strong>the</strong> guy i who i if I e i catch beat I e i‘This is <strong>the</strong> guy who I will beat (up) if I catch him’The construction <strong>in</strong> (1) has three mutually dependent properties: (i) <strong>the</strong> embedded if-clauseimmediately follows <strong>the</strong> wh-pronoun, a property that above all marks <strong>the</strong> construction asdialectal; (ii) <strong>the</strong> verb of <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al clause precedes its subject, which as shown <strong>in</strong> (2) vs. (3) isnot <strong>the</strong> regular word order <strong>in</strong> nei<strong>the</strong>r BG nor SG relative clauses; (iii) <strong>the</strong>re are two emptycategories <strong>in</strong> (1), both co-<strong>in</strong>dexed with <strong>the</strong> relative pronoun.(2) das ist der Kerl i den i ich e i erschlag vs. (3) *das ist der Kerl i den i erschlag ich e ithis is <strong>the</strong> guy who I e i beat this is <strong>the</strong> guy i who i beat I e iFelix (1985) analyses (1) as a parasitic gap (PG) construction. Specifically, he argues that den<strong>in</strong> (1) is extracted from <strong>the</strong> adjunct clause, with <strong>the</strong> empty category <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al clause be<strong>in</strong>g aPG. As evidence for his view that <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase has been extracted from <strong>the</strong> if-clause ra<strong>the</strong>rthan from <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al CP, Felix br<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong>: (i) <strong>the</strong> existence of sentences <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong>re is onlyone gap from which <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase could have been extracted, (4), and (ii) <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>reare sentences <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> verbs <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> two clauses assign different morphological cases, (5):(4) Das ist der We<strong>in</strong> i den i wenn ich e i tr<strong>in</strong>k, krieg ich Kopfwehthis is <strong>the</strong> w<strong>in</strong>e i which i if I e i dr<strong>in</strong>k get I headache(5) Das ist der Kerl i den i / *dem i wenn ich e i treff, werd ich e i helfenthis is <strong>the</strong> guy i whom i (acc) / whom i (dat) if I e i meet will I e i help2. Problems with Felix (1985): In addition to <strong>the</strong>oretical problems bear<strong>in</strong>g on extraction outof a strong island and o<strong>the</strong>rs, <strong>the</strong>re are also a number of empirical problems with Felix’analysis. First, extraction from strong islands is disallowed <strong>in</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r, similar parasitic gapconstruction <strong>in</strong> BG, namely <strong>the</strong> one that arguably feeds on <strong>the</strong> phenomenon of “EmphaticTopicalization” (cf. <strong>in</strong> particular Bayer 2001, Lutz 1997, 2004 i.a.):(6) a. Den, wann i e derwisch, derschlog i e.him if I e catch slay I e‘If I catch him, I slay him’b. *Den Peter i / *Wen i ärgert sich Hans, wenn er t i sieht?<strong>the</strong> ACC Peter / who annoys REFL Hans if he seesc. *Koa Mensch, wenn t i b‘suffa is, foit eam i was g’scheids ei.no man if drunk is falls him someth<strong>in</strong>g useful <strong>in</strong>Under Felix’ analysis, if den <strong>in</strong> (1) leaves <strong>the</strong> island, this means among o<strong>the</strong>r th<strong>in</strong>gs that it canreach a position from where it may c-command <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> host CP, <strong>the</strong>reby licens<strong>in</strong>g a parasiticgap <strong>in</strong> it. In addition to <strong>the</strong>ory-<strong>in</strong>ternal problems, Felix’ analysis predicts that <strong>the</strong> relativepronoun should be able to cyclically move higher up, produc<strong>in</strong>g examples like (7):(7) *Das ist der Kerl den ich erwarte (dass) wenn ich erwisch, erschlag ich.this is <strong>the</strong> guy who I expect (that) if I catch slay I
However, <strong>the</strong> very fact that <strong>the</strong> relative pronoun <strong>in</strong> (1) must appear <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> left edge of <strong>the</strong>(leftward-moved) island (see next section) suggests that <strong>the</strong> pronoun never leaves this island.This is <strong>in</strong>deed what I propose. The crucial <strong>in</strong>gredients of my analysis are given <strong>in</strong> section 3.3. Proposal: The central claims that I put forward are: (i) BG but not SG has a recursive CP,(8), where <strong>the</strong> (VP-adjo<strong>in</strong>ed) if-clause has moved to <strong>the</strong> specifier of <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al CP, <strong>the</strong>rebytrigger<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>version (i.e. verb movement to C 0 ), much like <strong>in</strong> English (cf. Emonds 1969) –e.g. Up to <strong>the</strong> parliament marched thousands of demonstrators; (ii) <strong>the</strong> so-called ‘relativepronoun’ <strong>in</strong> sentences like (1) is <strong>in</strong> fact an agree<strong>in</strong>g complementizer, or at most a (PF-)mergerof <strong>the</strong> complementizer dass ‘that’ and a clitic, analogous to <strong>the</strong> (dialectal) Italian che l’ <strong>in</strong> (9)and <strong>the</strong> French qui <strong>in</strong> (10) – cf. Rooryck (2000), who analyzes qui as a complex of que and aclitic (cf. also Kayne 1976); (iii) <strong>the</strong> ‘parasitic gap’ <strong>in</strong> (1) is a null resumptive, i.e. pro(C<strong>in</strong>que 1990), analogous to (11a) <strong>in</strong> Italian (compare (11a) to <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> paradigm).(8) Das ist der Kerl [CP den j [CP [Spec,CP wenn ich e j erwisch] i erschlag ich t i e j ]](9) e una cosa che l’ha detto il m<strong>in</strong>istro (Fiorent<strong>in</strong>o 2007)is a th<strong>in</strong>g that it CL -has said <strong>the</strong> m<strong>in</strong>ister(standard = che ha detto 0 il m<strong>in</strong>istro)that has said 0 <strong>the</strong> m<strong>in</strong>ister(10) je voudrais un renseignement: c’est à propos de ma femme qu’elle a été opérée y a deux moisI’d like to have some <strong>in</strong>formation: it regards my wife that she has been operated 2 months ago(standard = qui ‘who’)(11) a. Questo è l’uomo i che se vedo e i faccio morire e i .this is <strong>the</strong> man that if see-I make-I dieb. Questo è l’uomo i che se lo i vedo, faccio morire e i .this is <strong>the</strong> man that if him cl see-I make-I diec. ?/%Questo è l’uomo, che se lo vedo, lo faccio morire.this is <strong>the</strong> man that if him cl see-I him cl make-I died. *Questo è l’uomo, che se vedo, lo faccio morire.this is <strong>the</strong> man that if see-I him cl make-I dieThe fact that nei<strong>the</strong>r Weak (and, <strong>in</strong> particular) nor Strong Crossover effects arise <strong>in</strong> BG <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>relevant construction, (12) and (13), testifies to <strong>the</strong> correctness of this analysis; recall thatresumption systematically gives rise to WCO obviation (cf. Demirdache 1991 and McCloskey1990, who assign a bi-clausal structure to constructions conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g resumptive pronouns,which for all <strong>in</strong>tents and purposes, has <strong>the</strong> effects of <strong>the</strong> CP-recursion structure <strong>in</strong> (8) above):(12) Wea is da Bua i den i waun sei i Muatta e i dawascht, daschlogt-s(-n i )/e i ?who is <strong>the</strong> guy whom if his mo<strong>the</strong>r e i catches slays-she(-him)/e i(13) [Wöches Büdl vom Hauns i ] j , des waun a i <strong>in</strong> da Zeitung e j siagt, wü a i e j himochn?Which picture of Hans which if he i <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> paper e j sees will he e j destroyIn turn, <strong>the</strong> fact that BG but not SG violates <strong>the</strong> Doubly Filled Complementizer Filter (Bayer1984, 2001) directly motivates my idea that CP-recursion is possible <strong>in</strong> BG but not <strong>in</strong> SG:(14) I woaß ned wer daß des doa hat.I know not who that this done hasAs mentioned, <strong>the</strong> idea that ‘relative pronouns’ are (<strong>in</strong>flected) complementizers has been<strong>in</strong>dependently argued for a.o. by Pesetsky & Torrego (2006) for Dutch (on top of English):“The Dutch counterpart to English f<strong>in</strong>ite who and which relatives […] displays a form thatstarts with d-, just like demonstratives and just like <strong>the</strong> normal declarative complementizerdat. […] We suspect that <strong>the</strong> presence of d- ra<strong>the</strong>r than w- is significant. The [...] elements dieand dat are agree<strong>in</strong>g complementizers, not wh-phrases […].”
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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- Page 120 and 121: 1The historical reality of biolingu
- Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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- Page 130 and 131: Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the