Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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feature on C and applies after Agree; when C starts probing, the subject is still in the c-commanddomain of C and C finds a goal (cf. (2)). Order of features on C: {[•WH•] ≻ [∗φ∗] ≻ [•X•]}.(1)a. man tamghart ay y-zri-nwhich woman C 3sg.M-see-PRT‘Which woman saw Mohand?’b. *man tamghart ay t-zrawhich woman C 3SG.FEM-saw‘Which woman saw Mohand?’(2)[ CP C {[∗φ∗]≻[•X•]} [ TP DP [T ′ ... ]]]M.M.M.M.c. man tamghart ay nna-n qawhich woman C said-3PL thatt-zra Mohand?3SG.FEM-saw Mohand‘Which woman did they say saw Mohand?’(AAE in Berber (Ouhalla 1993))(3)[ CP DP C {[•WH•] ////////// [ ≻[∗φ∗]} TP t DP [T ′ ... ]]]̌Agree*Agree2. DEFECTIVE INTERVENTION: Icelandic shows opacity on T: φ-Agree between T and thesubject of an embedded infinitive is blocked if an experiencer (Exp) intervenes. In dialect B(Holmberg & Hroarsdottir 2003), EPP-movement of Exp to SpecT feeds Agree between T andthe subject, whereas a wh-moved Exp blocks Agree, as if Exp is not moved at all. Assume thatwh-movement to SpecC makes a stop-over in SpecT (cf. e.g. Chomsky 2004, Richards 2011).Since EPP-movement of Exp to this position feeds Agree, we expect feeding with wh-movementas well, but that does not occur (counter-feeding). Analysis: EPP-driven IM of Exp to SpecTapplies before Agree, hence Exp does not intervene anymore when T probes (cf. (5)). Edgefeature-driven IM of the wh-Exp to SpecT (intermediate landing site) applies after Agree, henceExp still intervenes when T probes (cf. (4)). Order of features on T:{[•D•] ≻ [∗φ∗] ≻ [•X•]}.(4)[ TP T {[∗φ∗]≻[•X•]} .. Exp wh .. [ vP DP [ v ′ ]]](5)[ TP Exp [ T ′ T {[•D•] /////// .. t ≻[∗φ∗]} Exp .. [ vP DP [ v ′ ]]]]*AgreěAgreeNote: The result would be the same if Exp wh moved directly from its base position to SpecC,without a stop-over in SpecT: Since C has not yet been merged when T starts probing, Exp wh insitu still intervenes for Agree. However, in Romance languages both EPP- and wh-movementfeed Agree (Anagnostopoulou 2003). In this case, it is necessary that Exp wh stops in SpecT(before T initiates Agree), otherwise it would be unclear why it does not intervene for Agree;movement of Exp to SpecC comes too late, C is merged after T has probed. This is an argumentfor the phase status of T; hence, the Icelandic data are indeed opaque: the wh- and EPP-movedExps go through the same position SpecT but have different consequences for Agree. Furtheropaque data of the same abstract pattern will be provided (TAM marking in Hausa, spell-out ofC in Haitian Creole, possessor case/agreement in Uralic, topicalization in Mayan).Generalization Four permutations of probe and IM-triggering features are expected: P1. bothtypes of IM apply before Agree, P2. both types of IM apply after Agree; P3. non-edge featuredrivenIM applies before Agree which applies before edge feature-driven IM. P4. edge featuredrivenIM applies before Agree, the other type of IM applies after Agree. However, P4 is notattested for any of the studied phenomena (= 3/4 pattern). Variation in AAE: In Trentino (Brandi& Cordin 1989), both short and long Ā-movement bleeds full agreement (=P1), in French neitherof them bleeds Agree (=P2). Variation in intervention: In Romance and Greek, both an EPPanda wh-moved experiencer feeds Agree (=P1), in Icelandic dialect C (Sigurðsson & Holmberg2008) neither movement type feeds Agree (=P2). Proposal: The absence of P4 is due to specificity(see e.g. Pullum 1979 and Lahne 2012 for application of specificity in syntax): The morespecific IM-triggering feature is discharged first. IM-triggers like [•WH•], [•D•] (=the EPP) aremore specific because they attract elements with a certain categorial or interpretive feature. Edgefeatures, however, are underspecified structure-building features, attracting an element regardlessof its properties. Thus, P4 with the edge feature discharged before e.g. [•WH•] is excluded.Conclusion A number of superficially different phenomena are shown to be the result of opaqueinteraction of Agree and IM. Since the present analysis crucially relies on timing of elementary2
operations, it provides an argument for a strictly derivational syntax (cf. Řezač 2004, Heck &Müller 2007). The Romance intervention facts are evidence for uniform paths (contra Abels2003): T is a phase head just as C, v, and D. The absence of P4 is accounted for by specificity.3
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
Page 70 and 71: 4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
Page 72 and 73: 2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
Page 74 and 75: availability of the SR reading in (
Page 76 and 77: Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
Page 78 and 79: a PF interface phenomenon as propos
Page 80 and 81: (b) Once the learner has determined
Page 82 and 83: cognitive recursion (including Merg
Page 84 and 85: can be null, or lexically realized,
Page 88 and 89: Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
Page 90 and 91: Structural Asymmetries - The View f
Page 92 and 93: FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
Page 94 and 95: Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
Page 96 and 97: Constraints on Concept FormationDan
Page 98 and 99: More on strategies of relativizatio
Page 100 and 101: ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
Page 102 and 103: Improper movement and improper agre
Page 104 and 105: Importantly, while there are plausi
Page 106 and 107: This hypothesis makes two predictio
Page 108 and 109: (3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
Page 110 and 111: (2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
Page 112 and 113: However when the VP (or IP) is elid
Page 114 and 115: More specifically, this work reflec
Page 116 and 117: modality, or ii) see phonology as m
Page 118 and 119: (I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
Page 120 and 121: 1The historical reality of biolingu
Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
Page 124 and 125: Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
Page 126 and 127: THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
Page 128 and 129: Motivating head movement: The case
Page 130 and 131: Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
Page 132 and 133: Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
Page 134 and 135: Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the
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