cognitive recursion (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g Merge).It is safe to assume that before this rewir<strong>in</strong>g took place our ancestors already had a lexicon andC-I/S-M systems <strong>in</strong> a very rudimentary form (protolanguage, <strong>in</strong> a loose sense). But as I will claim, itwas Merge that converted this language-like system <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> full human language faculty with all ofits generative power. Consider <strong>the</strong> lexicon as an example. Studies of animal cognition have shownthat animals have word-like signals (such as alarm calls) that associate particular sounds withparticular situations, and it has been reported that some of <strong>the</strong>m can learn hundreds of human words.And yet we can detect a huge gap between human words and animal “words” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir creativerichness and abstractness.This gap reflects <strong>the</strong> fact that human words are formed by Merge comb<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g conceptual andphonetic units <strong>in</strong>to more and more complex amalgam. That word formation takes place only(post-)syntactically and <strong>the</strong>re is no word before syntax has become a popular <strong>the</strong>oretical <strong>in</strong>sight(distributed morphology, nanosyntax, etc.), and this <strong>in</strong>sight serves as a productive research guidel<strong>in</strong>efor evolutionary biol<strong>in</strong>guistics. Importantly, to <strong>the</strong> extent that Merge forms words, we can expla<strong>in</strong>why <strong>the</strong>re are certa<strong>in</strong> impossible words by <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of m<strong>in</strong>imal computation (<strong>the</strong> third factor). Ithas long been taken for granted that syntax and <strong>the</strong> lexicon are two <strong>in</strong>dependent modules of grammar,but <strong>the</strong> present study questions <strong>the</strong> validity of this supposition at least with respect to languageevolution. I claim that syntax and <strong>the</strong> lexicon are <strong>the</strong> two faces of <strong>the</strong> same co<strong>in</strong> of Merge. This is agood illustration of how <strong>the</strong>oretical and evolutionary studies of language can <strong>in</strong>form each o<strong>the</strong>r andprogress <strong>in</strong> tandem.I will show that similar considerations will naturally lead to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that not only <strong>the</strong>lexicon but o<strong>the</strong>r major components of language, <strong>in</strong> particular <strong>the</strong> C-I system and <strong>the</strong> C-I <strong>in</strong>terface,were made possible by Merge. Berwick (2011: 99) correctly remarks: “Once Merge arose, <strong>the</strong> stagefor human language was set. There was no turn<strong>in</strong>g back.” But <strong>the</strong> power of Merge was probably farmore drastic and pervasive <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> evolution of language than he actually suggests.ReferencesBerwick, R. C. 2011. Syntax facit saltum redux: biol<strong>in</strong>guistics and <strong>the</strong> leap to syntax. In A. M. DiSciullo & C. Boeckx eds. The Biol<strong>in</strong>guistic Enterprise: New Perspectives on <strong>the</strong> Evolution andNature of <strong>the</strong> Human Language Faculty. 65-99. Oxford University Press.Berwick, R. C. & N. Chomsky 2011. The biol<strong>in</strong>guistics program: <strong>the</strong> current state of its development.In A. M. Di Sciullo & C. Boeckx eds. 19-41.Chomsky, N. 2008. On phases. In R. Freid<strong>in</strong> et al. eds. Foundational Issues <strong>in</strong> L<strong>in</strong>guistic Theory:Essays <strong>in</strong> Honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud. 133-166. The MIT Press.Chomsky, N. 2010. Some simple evo devo <strong>the</strong>ses: how true might <strong>the</strong>y be for language? In R. K.Larson et al. eds. The Evolution of Human Language: Biol<strong>in</strong>guistic Perspectives. 45-62.Cambridge University Press.Faisal, A. et al. 2010. The manipulative complexity of lower Paleolithic stone toolmak<strong>in</strong>g. PLoSONE 5(11): e13718.Fujita, K. 2009. A prospect for evolutionary adequacy: Merge and <strong>the</strong> evolution and development ofhuman language. Biol<strong>in</strong>guistics 3: 128-153.Hauser, M. D., N. Chomsky & W. T. Fitch. 2002. The faculty of language: what is it, who has it, andhow did it evolve? Science 298: 1569-1579.
Bare quantifiers and <strong>the</strong> like: analyz<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal structure of functional wordsJacopo Garzonio (University of Venice) & Cecilia Poletto (University of Frankfurt)garzonio@unive.it poletto@em.uni-frankfurt.de1. Wh-items are known to have a different distribution accord<strong>in</strong>g to whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y are bare or<strong>the</strong>y conta<strong>in</strong> a lexical restrictor. To mention only some cases, Pesetsky (1987) already notedthat complex wh-phrases <strong>in</strong> situ receive scope without LF movement. Ambar (1988) forPortuguese, Munaro (1999) for Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Italian dialects show that also with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Romancedoma<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is a clear split between wh-phrases and bare wh-words <strong>in</strong> terms of position.More recently Rizzi (2004) on standard Italian and Grewendorf (2012) on Bavarian haveproposed that this dist<strong>in</strong>ction is a function of <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal structure of <strong>the</strong> wh-item: complexwh-phrases are topic-like as <strong>the</strong>y conta<strong>in</strong> a lexical restrictor, while bare wh-words are “pureoperators”. In this work, observ<strong>in</strong>g ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>the</strong> variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Italo-Romance doma<strong>in</strong>, we<strong>in</strong>tend to show that <strong>the</strong> same split is also found when bare quantifiers and complex quantifiedexpressions are taken <strong>in</strong>to account and that <strong>the</strong> split is also a function of an <strong>in</strong>ternal layer<strong>in</strong>gof projections, not of <strong>the</strong> morphosyntactic “weakness” of bare quantifiers. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, on<strong>the</strong> basis of crossl<strong>in</strong>guistic morphological evidence, we will argue that bare quantifiers andwh-words have part of <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal structure <strong>in</strong> common.2. It is well known that languages like French allow for a pre-participial position of barequantifiers like rien ‘noth<strong>in</strong>g’, tout ‘everyth<strong>in</strong>g’, etc., while this is not possible with complexquantified expression. The same split is found <strong>in</strong> a VO German dialect, Cimbrian (spoken <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> prov<strong>in</strong>ce of Trento, among Italian dialects), where only bare Qs can occur <strong>in</strong> OV orderbefore <strong>the</strong> past participle, while complex QPs are located <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same position as DPs, i.e.after <strong>the</strong> past participle:(1) a. I hon niamat gesek.I have noone seenb. *I hon kummane sbemm gesek.I have no mushrooms seenc. I hon gesek kummane sbemm.I have seen no mushrooms<strong>Old</strong> Italian also provides <strong>the</strong> same dichotomy, as bare Qs like tutto ‘everyth<strong>in</strong>g’, tutti‘everybody’, molto ‘much’, molti ‘many’, etc., are always located <strong>in</strong> preparticipial position,while complex QPs have <strong>the</strong> same distribution of DPs (i.e. ei<strong>the</strong>r pre- or postparticipialdepend<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>in</strong>formation structural conditions). The OVI corpus does not conta<strong>in</strong> anyoccurrence of bare tutto after <strong>the</strong> past participles:(2) a. Ànne tutto paghato. (B. Bencivenni, 1296)(<strong>the</strong>y) have everyth<strong>in</strong>g paidb. da che ebbe tutto Egitto v<strong>in</strong>to. (B. Giamboni, before 1292)s<strong>in</strong>ce (he) had all Egypt conqueredc. questi m’ànno venduto tutto i loro podere (Anonym., circa 1290)<strong>the</strong>se to.me have sold all <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir farm<strong>Old</strong> Italian clearly shows that this split cannot be due to a supposed weakness (<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> terms ofCard<strong>in</strong>aletti and Starke (1999)) of <strong>the</strong> bare Q, as it could be <strong>the</strong> case for French or Cimbrian,as bare Qs are always preparticipial also when <strong>the</strong>y are paired with a preposition:(3) s’i’ mi fosse al tutto a tte gradato (Dante, Fiore)if I me were to everyth<strong>in</strong>g to you adapted‘If I adapted to you <strong>in</strong> everyth<strong>in</strong>g’We argue that <strong>the</strong> reason of this split is <strong>in</strong>deed a different <strong>in</strong>ternal structure of <strong>the</strong> Q, whichdoes not conta<strong>in</strong> a lexical restrictor, but a [+/-human] classifier-like functional item, which
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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- Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the