(b) Once <strong>the</strong> learner has determ<strong>in</strong>ed that <strong>the</strong>re is a [+bound] head convey<strong>in</strong>g case or numberon pronouns, <strong>the</strong>n he can <strong>in</strong>fer that any argument of <strong>the</strong> verb can be omitted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> targetlanguage.(c) Once <strong>the</strong> learner has determ<strong>in</strong>ed that <strong>the</strong>re is a [-bound] or a [+bound, -syn<strong>the</strong>tic] headexpress<strong>in</strong>g path, <strong>the</strong>n he can <strong>in</strong>fer that multiple constructions that are related with <strong>the</strong>separate lexicalization of this head are available <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> target language.We shall sketch how <strong>the</strong> Chunk<strong>in</strong>g Procedure may be used to shed light on <strong>the</strong> problem of how<strong>the</strong> LAD <strong>in</strong>fers syntactic properties of <strong>the</strong> target language from a morphophonological analysis<strong>in</strong> three selected case studies.I. Baker's (1996) Polysyn<strong>the</strong>sis Parameter. Assume that, given an amount of l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>put,<strong>the</strong> Chunk<strong>in</strong>g Procedure has determ<strong>in</strong>ed that <strong>the</strong>re is a [+bound] head H 1 that <strong>in</strong>stantiates aparticular θ-role θ 1 . The LAD should be able to determ<strong>in</strong>e on <strong>in</strong>dependent grounds whe<strong>the</strong>r H 1is an <strong>in</strong>corporated noun or an affix agre<strong>in</strong>g with a DP; if H 1 can also appear without be<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>corporated and as a fragment, <strong>the</strong>n it will be a noun, whereas if H 1 is always bound (i.e., itcannot appear freely or as a fragment), <strong>the</strong>n it will be an affix. Consider now <strong>the</strong> latter situation,<strong>in</strong> which H 1 is an affix agree<strong>in</strong>g with a maximal projection. In virtue of <strong>the</strong> bootstrapp<strong>in</strong>gmechanism (4.a), it follows that <strong>the</strong> maximal projection which <strong>the</strong> affix agrees with can beomitted and has a relatively free distribution.II. Neeleman & Szendrői (2007)'s strong prediction on radical pro-drop. Assume <strong>the</strong> LAD hasdetected <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>put that <strong>the</strong>re is a head H 1 <strong>in</strong>stantiat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> category of case ornumber analyzed as [+bound] with respect to pronouns. At this moment, <strong>the</strong> LAD follows <strong>the</strong>bootstrapp<strong>in</strong>g mechanism formulated <strong>in</strong> (4.b) and <strong>in</strong>fers that <strong>the</strong> target language allows radicalpro-drop, <strong>in</strong> which case verbal arguments and possessors can be omitted.III. Satellite-framed languages and related constructions (Talmy 1985). Assume that <strong>the</strong>Chunk<strong>in</strong>g Procedure has detected a H 1 express<strong>in</strong>g solely path; <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>re are two subcases: H 1 is[-bound] if <strong>the</strong> target language is a strong satellite-framed language, like English, or H 1 is[+bound, -syn<strong>the</strong>tic] if <strong>the</strong> target language is a weak satellite-framed language, like Lat<strong>in</strong>. Inboth cases, given <strong>the</strong> bootstrapp<strong>in</strong>g mechanism def<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> (4.c), <strong>the</strong> LAD <strong>in</strong>fers <strong>the</strong> availabilityof <strong>the</strong> relevant set of constructions (complex directed motions, unselected objects, complexeffected objects, etc.).Our approach consists, <strong>the</strong>refore, <strong>in</strong> cod<strong>in</strong>g parameters <strong>in</strong> mechanisms of morphological dataanalysis and deriv<strong>in</strong>g syntactic variation from <strong>the</strong> value atta<strong>in</strong>ed by those mechanisms. Thismove suggest that Greenberg's problem (what <strong>the</strong> nature and format of permissible l<strong>in</strong>guisticvariation is) may be reduced to Plato's problem (how natural languages are learned). By us<strong>in</strong>gthis methodology, l<strong>in</strong>guistic variation is exam<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> very same terms as those used by <strong>the</strong>LAD when analyz<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> PLD and, consequently, morphosyntactic variation is constra<strong>in</strong>ed bymechanisms of data analysis active dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> process of language acquisition. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,provided that procedures of data analysis are considered to be elements of Third Factor, thisproposal leads to <strong>the</strong> appeal<strong>in</strong>g conclusion that by def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g data analyzers <strong>in</strong> a parametricfashion, l<strong>in</strong>guistic variation could be embodied <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> Third Factor mechanisms.References–Baker, M. 1996. The polysyn<strong>the</strong>sis Parameter (Oxford: Oxford University Press).–Chomsky, N. 2005. Three factors <strong>in</strong> language design, L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry 36(1), 1-22.–C<strong>in</strong>que, G. 1999. Adverbs and functional heads: a cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic perspective (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press).–Neeleman, A. & K. Szendrői. 2007. Radical pro-drop and <strong>the</strong> morphology of pronouns,L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry 38(4), 671-714.–Talmy, L. 1985. Lexicalization patterns: Semantic structure <strong>in</strong> lexical forms, Languagetypology and syntactic description 3, 57-149.
In Defense of <strong>the</strong> Merge-Only Hypo<strong>the</strong>sisKoji Fujita / Kyoto UniversityIn this presentation I defend and fur<strong>the</strong>r consolidate <strong>the</strong> “Merge-only” hypo<strong>the</strong>sis of currentm<strong>in</strong>imalism (Chomsky 2008, 2010, Berwick 2011, Berwick & Chomsky 2011, <strong>in</strong>ter alia) bypropos<strong>in</strong>g a <strong>the</strong>ory of language evolution accord<strong>in</strong>g to which it was Merge that gave rise to o<strong>the</strong>rmajor components of <strong>the</strong> human language faculty.Chomsky’s (2010) Strong M<strong>in</strong>imalist Thesis (Interfaces + Merge = Language) is <strong>the</strong> mostelegant (and controversial) claim that biol<strong>in</strong>guistic m<strong>in</strong>imalism makes with respect to <strong>the</strong> formationof human language, and yet it ignores certa<strong>in</strong> fundamental issues. Most notably, it leaves open <strong>the</strong>questions of <strong>the</strong> evolutionary orig<strong>in</strong>s of (i) Merge, (ii) <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terfaces, and (iii) o<strong>the</strong>r essentialcomponents of language such as <strong>the</strong> lexicon and <strong>the</strong> C-I and S-M systems. It has often been assumed<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature that <strong>the</strong> m<strong>in</strong>imal design specification of <strong>the</strong> Merge-based computational system is“externally” motivated, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sense that it is optimized for <strong>in</strong>terfac<strong>in</strong>g with <strong>the</strong> two <strong>in</strong>terpretivesystems. The assumption that <strong>the</strong> computational system is perfect for satisfy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terfaceconditions is easily coupled with <strong>the</strong> evolutionary scenario of Merge aris<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> order to connect <strong>the</strong>already exist<strong>in</strong>g C-I/S-M systems.I first reject this teleological scenario. Evolution is a bl<strong>in</strong>d process without any foresight, andone cannot say that syntax (or language, for that matter) evolved for such and such a purpose.Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, this scenario is based on <strong>the</strong> unjustified supposition that <strong>the</strong> C-I/S-M systems werealready <strong>in</strong> place <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> present forms before <strong>the</strong> advent of syntax, which very likely contradictsano<strong>the</strong>r important m<strong>in</strong>imalist view that it is syntax that sends an <strong>in</strong>struction to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretivesystems and not vice versa. It ignores <strong>the</strong> effect that syntax may have had on <strong>the</strong> formation of <strong>the</strong><strong>in</strong>terpretive systems.I believe <strong>the</strong> problem largely comes from a simplistic <strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>the</strong> FLN/FLBdichotomy by Hauser et al. (2002). Their proposal is important <strong>in</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r motivat<strong>in</strong>g a comparativeapproach to <strong>the</strong> studies of language evolution, but it fails to capture two crucial facts: (i) Recursion(more concretely, recursive Merge) also has some cont<strong>in</strong>uity with o<strong>the</strong>r human and nonhumancapacities, and <strong>in</strong> this broad sense recursion does not strictly belong to FLN, and (ii) <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretivesystems are shared by o<strong>the</strong>r animals to some extent but still <strong>the</strong>re is a remarkable difference between<strong>the</strong> human and <strong>the</strong> nonhuman systems, and <strong>in</strong> this narrow sense <strong>the</strong>y belong to FLN. In short, <strong>the</strong>terms FLN/FLB are not used consistently when it is claimed that only recursion belongs to FLN.The correct picture must be this: Every component of human language is unique to it but still<strong>the</strong>y are all cont<strong>in</strong>uous with o<strong>the</strong>r capacities, and this cont<strong>in</strong>uity is a key to understand<strong>in</strong>g how <strong>the</strong>seunique components came <strong>in</strong>to existence and were clustered <strong>in</strong>to this complex biological trait we calllanguage.In l<strong>in</strong>e with this general picture, I advance <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that language emerged <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>follow<strong>in</strong>g steps. Firstly, Merge evolved from <strong>the</strong> recursive motor control capacity for hierarchicaland sequential object comb<strong>in</strong>ation as typically observed <strong>in</strong> tool mak<strong>in</strong>g and us<strong>in</strong>g. The evolutionaryand/or developmental relations between tools and language have long been recognized, but it isimportant to note that this is <strong>the</strong> first attempt made by generative l<strong>in</strong>guistics to f<strong>in</strong>d an evolutionaryprecursor to syntax (<strong>in</strong>stead of language as a whole) <strong>in</strong> a distant, non-l<strong>in</strong>guistic capacity (Fujita 2009),<strong>in</strong> sharp contrast to <strong>the</strong> general agreement <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>imalism that Merge emerged <strong>in</strong> saltation.Chomsky (2008: 137) speculates that Merge arose from “a slight mutation rewir<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> bra<strong>in</strong>.”By connect<strong>in</strong>g motor control and Merge, we can turn this speculation <strong>in</strong>to a testable hypo<strong>the</strong>sis.Recent progress <strong>in</strong> cognitive and neuro-archaeology focuses on <strong>the</strong> evolution of stone tool mak<strong>in</strong>gand its implications for <strong>the</strong> evolution of our ancestors’ cognitive faculties and <strong>the</strong> relevant neuralsubstrates. Faisal et al. (2010) report that left ventral premotor cortex (BA6) is uniformly activatedwhen subjects make stone tools us<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Old</strong>owan and Acheulean technologies. I suggest that <strong>the</strong>rewir<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> question is a functional expansion from BA6 to BA44/45, from motor recursion to
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the