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availability of the SR reading in (1) is to be accounted for in terms of language-specificproperties, I propose to adopt the analysis whereby Japanese zibun can undergo LF movementto a higher clause and be locally bound there (Pica 1991, Hestvik 1992, Ishino & Ura 2012).2 IDENTITY CONDITION. If null arguments result from DPE, we expect this operation to besubject to the same conditions on the identity with a discourse antecedent as for instance VPEor sluicing. I show that the conditions under which DPE is licensed are the same as thoseunder which a DP can be part of a larger elided constituent.2.1 A coherent behavior. Fox (2000) proposes the following principle which summarizes theconditions under which a DP can be elided if it is part of a constituent targeted by ellipsis:(4) DP Parallelism condition on ellipsis (adapted from Fox 2000: 117)DPs in the elided constituent and its antecedent must eithera. have the same referential value (Referential Parallelism), orb. be bound in identical dependencies (Structural Parallelism).This accounts for the availability of both strict and sloppy readings in examples like (5): thepronoun in (5b) satisfies (4a) and the one in (5c) satisfies (4b).(5) a. John thinks he will win, and Bill does, too.b. John i thinks he i will win, and Bill j does , too. Ref. Par.c. John thinks he will win, and Bill does , too. Str. Par.Crucially, the same is observed in the realm of pro-drop: under the strict reading, the nullsubject in (3B) has a coreferential antecedent ('her proposal'), and under the SR, it is bound ina dependency which is identical to the dependency in which the subject in (3A) is involved.Other (non-ambiguous) cases are also accounted for: the subject in (6) satisfies (4a) and theanaphoric null object in (7) (in the null object language Japanese) satisfies (4b):(6) Juan i está aquí. [e] i quiere hablar contigo. SpanishJuan is here wants talk with.you'Juan is here. He wants to talk to you.'(7) Taroo i -wa zibun i -o semeta-ga, Ken j -wa [e] j kabatta. JapaneseTaroo-TOP self-ACC blamed-while Ken-TOP defended (Takahashi 2010)'While Taroo blamed himself, Ken defended himself.'2.2 Testing predictions. Anaphors are not referential, and are necessarily BVs, as in (7)(Reinhart 1983, Büring 2005). If pro-drop is to be accounted for under (4), we predict thatnull anaphors will not be licensed when the discourse context does not provide anotheranaphor bound in an identical dependency. This is borne out: in (8), although the anaphor hasa coreferential antecedent, it cannot be elided, since ellipsis of anaphors can only be licensedvia (4b). I show that the results are the same in languages with object-agreement like Basque.(8) John i -ga zibun i -o /#[e] i nagusameta (koto). JapaneseJohn-NOM self-ACC consoled (Hoji 1998: 130)'John consoled himself.'I also test predictions relative to MaxElide effects (Takahashi & Fox 2005, Merchant 2008).3 IN SUM, after defending that pro-drop boils down to DPE across all pro-drop languages, Ipush this result to its limits, by exploring the consequences for the theory of the licensing ofellipsis. I show that DPs are subject to the same identity condition on ellipsis both when theyare part of a larger elided constituent and when they are the bare target of ellipsis.Selected references ▪ Barbosa, M.P., 2009, “Two kinds of subject pro”, Studia Linguistica63:2-58 ▪ Gallego, Á., 2010, “Binding through Agree” Linguistic Analysis 34:163-192 ▪Holmberg, A., 2010, “Null subject Parameters”, Parametric variation, Biberauer et al. (eds),Cambridge: CUP, 88-124 ▪ Ishino, N. & H. Ura, 2012, “Towards a theory of split binding”,
Nanzan Linguistics 8:17-45 ▪ Oku, 1998, A theory of selection and reconstruction in theMinimalist perspective, PhD diss., U. Connecticut ▪ Takahashi, D., 2007, “Argument ellipsisfrom a cross-linguistic perspective: An interim report”, ms., Tohoku University ▪ Takahashi, S.& D. Fox, 2005, “MaxElide and the Re-binding Problem”, Proceedings of SALT 15: 223-240.
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
Page 70 and 71: 4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
Page 72 and 73: 2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
Page 76 and 77: Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
Page 78 and 79: a PF interface phenomenon as propos
Page 80 and 81: (b) Once the learner has determined
Page 82 and 83: cognitive recursion (including Merg
Page 84 and 85: can be null, or lexically realized,
Page 86 and 87: feature on C and applies after Agre
Page 88 and 89: Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
Page 90 and 91: Structural Asymmetries - The View f
Page 92 and 93: FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
Page 94 and 95: Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
Page 96 and 97: Constraints on Concept FormationDan
Page 98 and 99: More on strategies of relativizatio
Page 100 and 101: ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
Page 102 and 103: Improper movement and improper agre
Page 104 and 105: Importantly, while there are plausi
Page 106 and 107: This hypothesis makes two predictio
Page 108 and 109: (3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
Page 110 and 111: (2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
Page 112 and 113: However when the VP (or IP) is elid
Page 114 and 115: More specifically, this work reflec
Page 116 and 117: modality, or ii) see phonology as m
Page 118 and 119: (I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
Page 120 and 121: 1The historical reality of biolingu
Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the
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