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Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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Synchronic Systems <strong>in</strong> Diachronic Change: The Role of ContrastB. Elan Dresher, Christopher Harvey, and Will OxfordUniversity of TorontoOur paper addresses a question raised <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> workshop prospectus, namely ‘how <strong>in</strong>novationcomes <strong>in</strong>to be<strong>in</strong>g and, once it has occurred, enters <strong>the</strong> synchronic computational system’. Assuggested <strong>the</strong>re, our account <strong>in</strong>volves <strong>the</strong> relation between <strong>the</strong> phonological grammar and‘non- (or pre-) grammatical phonetic variation’; however, we wish to address a differentaspect of this relationship, which leads us to reth<strong>in</strong>k <strong>the</strong> connection between synchrony anddiachrony more generally.Follow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> reorientation of l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>the</strong>ory toward synchronic systems <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> wakeof Saussure, <strong>the</strong> relationship between synchrony and diachrony became unclear. In pregenerativestructuralist <strong>the</strong>ories, synchronic grammars were composed of contrast<strong>in</strong>gelements locked <strong>in</strong>to systems of oppositions. If one takes too literally Saussure’s (1972[1916]: 166) dictum that ‘dans la langue il n’y a que des différences . . . sans termes positifs’,<strong>the</strong>n grammars become <strong>in</strong>commensurable, and one has no way to relate successive stages of alanguage, or even closely related dialects (Moulton 1960). <strong>Generative</strong> grammar (Chomsky &Halle 1968) solves this problem by constru<strong>in</strong>g a phonological grammar as a system of rulesthat mediate between underly<strong>in</strong>g (lexical) and surface (phonetic) forms. Now, grammarchange takes <strong>the</strong> form of <strong>the</strong> addition. loss, reorder<strong>in</strong>g, or restructur<strong>in</strong>g of rules. Kiparsky(1965) demonstrated that a series of changes <strong>in</strong> Armenian dialects can be understood <strong>in</strong> termsof <strong>the</strong> spread<strong>in</strong>g of three rules; fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, his analysis ‘highlights <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>tlessness of astructural dialectology that...dist<strong>in</strong>guishes dialects accord<strong>in</strong>g to po<strong>in</strong>ts of structural differencera<strong>the</strong>r than accord<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>novations through which <strong>the</strong>y diverged’.We th<strong>in</strong>k that generative grammar went overboard <strong>in</strong> jettison<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> structuralist notionof language-particular contrast, and that contrast plays a crucial role <strong>in</strong> synchronic phonologyas well as <strong>in</strong> diachrony. In particular, we argue that contrast shift, a change <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrastiveorganization of <strong>the</strong> phonemic <strong>in</strong>ventory of a language, is an important type of phonologicalchange. The <strong>in</strong>sight that phonological change may <strong>in</strong>volve a reorganization of <strong>the</strong> phonemesof a language goes back to Jakobson (1931); to <strong>the</strong> extent that phonemes are contrastive units,contrast shift can be viewed as an <strong>in</strong>evitable consequence of a structuralist/ generativeapproach to phonology. However, Jakobson’s program for a truly structuralist approach tochange was never implemented. We argue that <strong>the</strong> true dimensions of contrast shift arerevealed when we embed <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>ses <strong>in</strong> (1) <strong>in</strong>to a generative grammar:1. Hypo<strong>the</strong>ses about contrastive featuresa. The Contrastivist Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis (Hall 2007): Only contrastive features are active <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>phonology.b. The Contrastive Feature Hierarchy (Dresher 2009): Contrastive features are assignedby language-particular feature hierarchies.c. Feature hierarchies are subject to diachronic change: features may be reordered, orcontrasts may be re<strong>in</strong>terpreted over time.The hypo<strong>the</strong>ses <strong>in</strong> (1) predict that contrast shifts will have observable consequences forsynchronic patterns of phonological activity. This prediction is dramatically confirmed <strong>in</strong> asurvey of diachronic changes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> vowel systems of Algonquian languages by Oxford(2012). Oxford proposes that Central Algonquian has <strong>the</strong> vowel feature hierarchy <strong>in</strong> (2),which cont<strong>in</strong>ues <strong>the</strong> Proto-Algonquian (PA) system. Oxford observes that two groups ofchanges are particularly common <strong>in</strong> Central Algonquian (3); <strong>the</strong>se changes are consistent with(2) on <strong>the</strong> assumptions that (a) contrastive sisters are <strong>the</strong> most likely merger partners, and (b)palatalization is triggered by a contrastive feature, here [coronal].

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