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4. Conclusion This micro-comparative analysis (i) brings us closer to a realistic algorithmchildren use to acquire morpho-syntactic paradigms, in turn restricting language change (ii)restricts the number of possible analyses for any synchronic variety, such as Standard Dutch.Time remaining, we will discuss the notion of a ‘potential affix’ in more detail and suggestways in which this can be understood and motivated, synchronically and diachronically.
Synchronic Systems in Diachronic Change: The Role of ContrastB. Elan Dresher, Christopher Harvey, and Will OxfordUniversity of TorontoOur paper addresses a question raised in the workshop prospectus, namely ‘how innovationcomes into being and, once it has occurred, enters the synchronic computational system’. Assuggested there, our account involves the relation between the phonological grammar and‘non- (or pre-) grammatical phonetic variation’; however, we wish to address a differentaspect of this relationship, which leads us to rethink the connection between synchrony anddiachrony more generally.Following the reorientation of linguistic theory toward synchronic systems in the wakeof Saussure, the relationship between synchrony and diachrony became unclear. In pregenerativestructuralist theories, synchronic grammars were composed of contrastingelements locked into systems of oppositions. If one takes too literally Saussure’s (1972[1916]: 166) dictum that ‘dans la langue il n’y a que des différences . . . sans termes positifs’,then grammars become incommensurable, and one has no way to relate successive stages of alanguage, or even closely related dialects (Moulton 1960). Generative grammar (Chomsky &Halle 1968) solves this problem by construing a phonological grammar as a system of rulesthat mediate between underlying (lexical) and surface (phonetic) forms. Now, grammarchange takes the form of the addition. loss, reordering, or restructuring of rules. Kiparsky(1965) demonstrated that a series of changes in Armenian dialects can be understood in termsof the spreading of three rules; furthermore, his analysis ‘highlights the pointlessness of astructural dialectology that...distinguishes dialects according to points of structural differencerather than according to the innovations through which they diverged’.We think that generative grammar went overboard in jettisoning the structuralist notionof language-particular contrast, and that contrast plays a crucial role in synchronic phonologyas well as in diachrony. In particular, we argue that contrast shift, a change in the contrastiveorganization of the phonemic inventory of a language, is an important type of phonologicalchange. The insight that phonological change may involve a reorganization of the phonemesof a language goes back to Jakobson (1931); to the extent that phonemes are contrastive units,contrast shift can be viewed as an inevitable consequence of a structuralist/ generativeapproach to phonology. However, Jakobson’s program for a truly structuralist approach tochange was never implemented. We argue that the true dimensions of contrast shift arerevealed when we embed the hypotheses in (1) into a generative grammar:1. Hypotheses about contrastive featuresa. The Contrastivist Hypothesis (Hall 2007): Only contrastive features are active in thephonology.b. The Contrastive Feature Hierarchy (Dresher 2009): Contrastive features are assignedby language-particular feature hierarchies.c. Feature hierarchies are subject to diachronic change: features may be reordered, orcontrasts may be reinterpreted over time.The hypotheses in (1) predict that contrast shifts will have observable consequences forsynchronic patterns of phonological activity. This prediction is dramatically confirmed in asurvey of diachronic changes in the vowel systems of Algonquian languages by Oxford(2012). Oxford proposes that Central Algonquian has the vowel feature hierarchy in (2),which continues the Proto-Algonquian (PA) system. Oxford observes that two groups ofchanges are particularly common in Central Algonquian (3); these changes are consistent with(2) on the assumptions that (a) contrastive sisters are the most likely merger partners, and (b)palatalization is triggered by a contrastive feature, here [coronal].
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
Page 22 and 23: The impossible chaos: When the mind
Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
Page 72 and 73: 2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
Page 74 and 75: availability of the SR reading in (
Page 76 and 77: Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
Page 78 and 79: a PF interface phenomenon as propos
Page 80 and 81: (b) Once the learner has determined
Page 82 and 83: cognitive recursion (including Merg
Page 84 and 85: can be null, or lexically realized,
Page 86 and 87: feature on C and applies after Agre
Page 88 and 89: Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
Page 90 and 91: Structural Asymmetries - The View f
Page 92 and 93: FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
Page 94 and 95: Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
Page 96 and 97: Constraints on Concept FormationDan
Page 98 and 99: More on strategies of relativizatio
Page 100 and 101: ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
Page 102 and 103: Improper movement and improper agre
Page 104 and 105: Importantly, while there are plausi
Page 106 and 107: This hypothesis makes two predictio
Page 108 and 109: (3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
Page 110 and 111: (2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
Page 112 and 113: However when the VP (or IP) is elid
Page 114 and 115: More specifically, this work reflec
Page 116 and 117: modality, or ii) see phonology as m
Page 118 and 119: (I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the
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