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Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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associate <strong>the</strong> fluctuat<strong>in</strong>g asymmetry stage to <strong>the</strong> stage where a complement may occur to <strong>the</strong> rightor to <strong>the</strong> left of a functional head, and <strong>the</strong> directional asymmetry stage to <strong>the</strong> stage where only <strong>the</strong>right or only <strong>the</strong> left position rema<strong>in</strong>s available.I discuss <strong>the</strong> prediction of <strong>the</strong> DA-HI/FC for Indo-European languages, focus<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>the</strong>order of <strong>the</strong> complements with respect to heads <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> extended nom<strong>in</strong>al doma<strong>in</strong>, and I show thatsuch evolutionary developmental constra<strong>in</strong>t contributes to <strong>the</strong> reduction of derivationalcomplexity, measured <strong>in</strong> terms of length of <strong>the</strong> derivations.6. The DA-HI/FC expresses a characteristic of languages as <strong>the</strong>y evolve through time. Suchuniversal is not coextensive with Greenberg’s (1966) absolute and implicational universals.Current works on language variation aim to derive language universals from more basic propertiesof <strong>the</strong> language faculty. The DA-HI/FC is an evolutionary developmental universal whosepredictions do not follow directly from cartographic (C<strong>in</strong>que 2005), antisymmetric (Kayne 2011),or o<strong>the</strong>r configurational constra<strong>in</strong>ts (Biberauer, Holmberg & Roberts 2010). However, it iscompatible with <strong>the</strong>se constra<strong>in</strong>ts.7. I discuss <strong>the</strong> case of languages where <strong>the</strong>re is no robust evidence for DA-HI/FC. For example,Turkish is by and large postpositional, as it is <strong>the</strong> case for o<strong>the</strong>r languages, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g F<strong>in</strong>nish,H<strong>in</strong>di, Korean, and Hungarian. I raise <strong>the</strong> question why this is <strong>the</strong> case. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Greenberg’suniversals no. 3 and no. 4, <strong>the</strong> availability of prepositions or postpositions is related to broadertypological properties, (3). SOV languages (Japanese, Mongolian, Basque, Turkish, Korean, a. o.)are postpositional and VSO languages (Welsh, Classical Arabic, Tagalog, a. o.) are prepositional.(3) a. Languages with dom<strong>in</strong>ant VSO order are always prepositional. (no. 3)b. With overwhelm<strong>in</strong>gly greater than chance frequency, languages with normal SOVorder are postpositional. (no. 4)I argue that <strong>the</strong> absence of prepositions <strong>in</strong> some languages, and <strong>the</strong> absence of postpositions <strong>in</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r languages can be derived from <strong>the</strong> properties of <strong>the</strong> computational system, given parallel(harmonic) functional projections cha<strong>in</strong>s, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g verbs (v) and prepositions (P), on <strong>the</strong> onehand, and differences <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> feature values of P, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r. I also consider <strong>the</strong> case of languagessuch as Mandar<strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, where prepositions and postpositions are observed through <strong>the</strong>language evolutionary development (Djamouri, Waltraud and Whitman 2011). I argue that adpositionsdid not evolve from different categories, but ra<strong>the</strong>r are an <strong>in</strong>stantiation of <strong>the</strong> path shellwith direction and location heads.8. It is generally assumed that locality conditions, such as Derivation by Phase and <strong>the</strong> M<strong>in</strong>imalSearch Condition limit computational complexity. Derivational complexity may also be reducedby <strong>the</strong> effect of evolutionary developmental processes on <strong>the</strong> generative procedure of <strong>the</strong> LanguageFaculty and <strong>the</strong> DA-HI/HF may f<strong>in</strong>d an explanation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> natural development of biologicalsystems.References Biberauer, T., A. Holmberg, and I. Roberts. 2010. A Syntactic Universal and its Consequences. U. of Cambridge. | C<strong>in</strong>que, G. 2005.Deriv<strong>in</strong>g Greenberg’s Universal 20 and its exceptions. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry 36 3: 315–332. | Chomsky, N. 1995. The M<strong>in</strong>imalist Program. CambridgeMass: MIT Press. | Chomsky, N. 2005. Three Factors <strong>in</strong> Language Design. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry 36:1–22. | Chomsky, N. 2011. The poverty of <strong>the</strong>stimulus, unf<strong>in</strong>ished bus<strong>in</strong>ess. ms MIT. Di Sciullo, A. M. 2011. A Bioliguistic Approach to Variation. In A.M. Di Sciullo and C. Boeckx. TheBiol<strong>in</strong>guistic Enterprise: New perspectives on <strong>the</strong> evolution and nature of <strong>the</strong> human language faculty. New York: Oxford University Press. 305-328. | Di Sciullo, A.M. 2012. Perspectives on Morphological Complexity. In Morphology. (Ir)regularity, Frequency, Typology, F. Kiefer, M.Ladanyi and P. Siptar (dir.). Amsterdam : John Benjam<strong>in</strong>s. p.105-135.Djamouri, R., P. Waltraud and J. Whitman. 2011. Postpositions vs.Prepositions <strong>in</strong> Mandar<strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese: The Articulation of Disharmony, Theoretical Approaches to Disharmonic Word Orders, ed. by T. Biberauer andM. Sheehan, Oxford University Press. | Greenberg, J. 1966. Language Universals: With Special Reference to Feature Hierarchies. The Hague:Mouton. | Kayne, R. 2011. Why are There No Directionality Parameters ? In M Byram Washburn et al (ed) Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>the</strong> 28th West CoastConference on Formal <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong>. Somerville: Cascadilla. Pp. 1-23. | Palmer, A.R.1996. From symmetry to asymmetry: Phylogenetic patterns ofasymmetry variation <strong>in</strong> animals and <strong>the</strong>ir evolutionary significance. Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>the</strong> National Academy of Sciences (USA) 93: 14279-14286. |Palmer, A.R. 2004. Symmetry break<strong>in</strong>g and <strong>the</strong> evolution of development. Science 306:828-833. | Niyogi, P. 2006. The Computational Nature ofLanguage Learn<strong>in</strong>g and Evolution. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. | Niyogi, P. and Berwick, R. C. 2009. The proper treatment of language acquisitionand change <strong>in</strong> a population sett<strong>in</strong>g. PNAS, 106(25):10124-10129. | Palmer, A.R. and R.C. Lewont<strong>in</strong>. 2004. Selection for asymmetry. Science306:812-813. | Yang, C. 2002. Knowledge and Learn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Natural Language. OUP. | Yang, C. 2009. Who’s afraid of George K<strong>in</strong>gsley Zipf?. Ms.UPenn.

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