Hierarchy and Recursion <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bra<strong>in</strong>.Cristiano Chesi & Andrea MoroNe.T.S. - IUSS Center for Neurol<strong>in</strong>guistics and Theoretical Syntax, Pavia1. Syntax <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> bra<strong>in</strong>.Neuroimag<strong>in</strong>g techniques has offered <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g opportunities to deepen our understand<strong>in</strong>g of<strong>the</strong> relationship between syntax and <strong>the</strong> bra<strong>in</strong> (Cappa 2012). Two issues appear to be wellestablished:first, syntactic computation activates a dedicated network (Embick et al. 2000,Moro et al. 2001); second, <strong>the</strong> format of rules cannot be traced to arbitrary, cultural orconventional facts but it reflects <strong>the</strong> neuropsychological architecture of <strong>the</strong> bra<strong>in</strong> circuitry(Tettamanti et al. 2002, Musso et al. 2003, Tettamanti et al. 2008). In this paper we address aspecific issue that raises from <strong>the</strong>se studies on a computational perspective: <strong>the</strong> core result of<strong>the</strong> last three experiments mentioned is that <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical dist<strong>in</strong>ction between grammaticalvs. non-grammatical rules is reflected <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> bra<strong>in</strong> activity. More specifically, <strong>the</strong> activity of (adeep component of) Broca’s area with<strong>in</strong> a more complex network <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g subcorticalelements such as <strong>the</strong> left nucleus caudatus appears to be sensitive to this dist<strong>in</strong>ction (structuredependentvs. position-dependent) as <strong>the</strong> BOLD signal is <strong>in</strong>creased <strong>in</strong> this area only when <strong>the</strong>subjects <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>the</strong>ir performance <strong>in</strong> manipulat<strong>in</strong>g grammatical (i.e. structure-dependent)rules. Here we want to discuss how this result relate to <strong>the</strong> nature of recursion and hierarchy<strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic process<strong>in</strong>g (Chomsky 1995, Berwick & Chomsky 2001).2. Disentangl<strong>in</strong>g hierarchy from recursion: a computational complexity perspectiveAlthough <strong>the</strong>re are subtle discrepancies look<strong>in</strong>g at reaction times, <strong>the</strong>re is surely completeconvergence with respect to performance: all subjects rapidly acquire <strong>the</strong> same capability tomanipulate both grammatical (e.g. passive construction, Musso et al. 2003) vs. nongrammaticalrules (article, Tettamanti et al. 2002, or negation, Musso et al. 2003, placement<strong>in</strong> a fixed-position; question formation by complete word-sequence <strong>in</strong>version, Musso et al.2003). This fact already constitutes a puzzle, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> broad dist<strong>in</strong>ction between hierarchical(grammatical) vs. non-hierarchical (non-grammatical, e.g. sequential) rules correspond to adifferent degree of complexity: assum<strong>in</strong>g that each rule can be expressed as a set of(computational) states traversals, be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> number of states to be explored somehowproportional to <strong>the</strong> memory required to perform a certa<strong>in</strong> computation, hierarchical rules areless memory demand<strong>in</strong>g than sequential rules, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> vast majority of contexts,hierarchical rules can deal with lexical clusters ra<strong>the</strong>r than s<strong>in</strong>gle items, <strong>the</strong>n operat<strong>in</strong>g onlyon <strong>the</strong> relevant chunk(s) level. If <strong>the</strong> hierarchical rules are also recursive (e.g. X → aXb) <strong>the</strong>very same state can be re-used more times, <strong>in</strong>duc<strong>in</strong>g extra memory sav<strong>in</strong>g. Similarconsiderations on complexity also extend to non-hierarchical, non-recursive rules, that, <strong>in</strong> thissense are more “expensive”. To expla<strong>in</strong> this we must prelim<strong>in</strong>arily def<strong>in</strong>e, from acomputational perspective, <strong>the</strong> typology of (non-)recursive/(non-)hierarchical rules. Here weassume that <strong>the</strong> rules/computations are subsumed by different automata.3. Rank<strong>in</strong>g complexitiesThe (computational) complexity of a task is measured <strong>in</strong> terms of resources (memory andtime) used by a computation while attempt<strong>in</strong>g to complete that task. This def<strong>in</strong>ition ofcomplexity requires a precise formalization of <strong>the</strong> computation <strong>in</strong> order to understand <strong>the</strong>amount of resources used by <strong>the</strong> task we want to analyze. Assum<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> rules arecomputed by a simple Push-Down Automata (i. e. a “PDA”, a F<strong>in</strong>ite State Automata endowedwith a Last In First Out memory buffer), we could characterize <strong>the</strong> rule typology as follows:
1. rule (1) (non-recursive, non-hierarchical):<strong>in</strong>sert a word w x at k th positionq 0 q 1 q i q k q f w jw 1 w i w k add(w x )2. rule (2) (recursive, non-hierarchical):<strong>the</strong> first, w 1 , and <strong>the</strong> last element, w f , <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> str<strong>in</strong>g should agreew iq 0 q 1 q fget_agr(w 1 ) set_agr(w f )3. rule (3) (non-recursive, hierarchical)given a sentence, passivize it by <strong>in</strong>vert<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> objectq 1 q 3 q fpush(S)q 2push(V)push(O)OVSpop(O)pop(V)pop(S)4. rule (4) (recursive, hierarchical)expand a sentence with ano<strong>the</strong>r sentence by complementationq fSentenceThe prediction is that (4), once a sentence is recognized/expected, is <strong>the</strong> simplestcomputation, while (2) is generally simpler (it requires 3 states) than (1) (this requires k+1states). On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, (3) is generally simpler than (1), <strong>in</strong> terms of state traversalnumbers, but s<strong>in</strong>ce it uses <strong>the</strong> memory buffer, we need a more articulated complexity costfunction: if we assume that add<strong>in</strong>g an extra state has a l<strong>in</strong>ear cost and that us<strong>in</strong>g an extra slot<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> memory buffer has an exponential cost (cf. Gibson 1998), (3) will be harder than (2)and, <strong>in</strong> most cases, also harder than (1). What is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g, is that <strong>the</strong>se dist<strong>in</strong>ctions do not(yet) correlate <strong>in</strong> terms of bra<strong>in</strong> activity nor behavioral measures.4. Complexity, recursion and <strong>the</strong> bra<strong>in</strong>The scenario discussed here raises at least two delicate questions that should be put on <strong>the</strong>agenda for those who study <strong>the</strong> biological foundations of language, and syntax <strong>in</strong> particular.The first one amounts to expla<strong>in</strong> how <strong>the</strong>re are no significant behavioral different outcomes <strong>in</strong>achiev<strong>in</strong>g tasks when manipulat<strong>in</strong>g recursive vs. non-recursive rules tout court. The secondone, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, raises a deep methodological issue: be<strong>in</strong>g able to measure <strong>the</strong>complexity of all typologies of rules (§3) with simple computational models (PDAs asbasel<strong>in</strong>e), this allows us to provide precise and comparable complexity metrics. S<strong>in</strong>ce all <strong>the</strong>sentences we can test are f<strong>in</strong>ite, it is logically impossible to test recursion directly: what weshould aim at verify<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>the</strong>n, is whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> complexity reduction we expect with recursiveand/or hierarchical rules, and <strong>the</strong> cost of us<strong>in</strong>g devices like memory buffers, is proportional to<strong>the</strong> behavioral/learn<strong>in</strong>g data. S<strong>in</strong>ce now we have a reliable bra<strong>in</strong> signature of l<strong>in</strong>guistic rulesusage, we th<strong>in</strong>k we are ready to deepen our understand<strong>in</strong>g of hierarchy and recursion <strong>in</strong> ara<strong>the</strong>r new way, reconcil<strong>in</strong>g grammar with process<strong>in</strong>g models (Sprouse et al. 2012).Selected referencesBerwick & Chomsky (2011) Biol<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>vestigations:19-41. Cappa (2012) Neuroimage 61(2):427-31. Chesi (2012)Unipress. Chomsky (1995) The M<strong>in</strong>imalist Program. Embick et al. (2000) PNAS 97(11):6150-6154. Gibson (1998)Cognition 68:1–76. Moro et al. (2001) NeuroImage 13:110-118. Musso, et al. (2003) Nature neuroscience 6:774-781. Sprouse et al. (2012) Language 88(2):401-407. Tettamanti et al. (2002) NeuroImage 17:700-709. Tettamanti, et al.(2008) Cortex, 45(7):825-38.
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
- Page 3 and 4: INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
- Page 5: Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
- Page 8 and 9: REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
- Page 10 and 11: STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
- Page 12 and 13: 15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
- Page 14 and 15: 14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
- Page 16 and 17: 17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
- Page 18 and 19: 16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
- Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
- Page 22 and 23: The impossible chaos: When the mind
- Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
- Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
- Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
- Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
- Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
- Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
- Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
- Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
- Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
- Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
- Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
- Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
- Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
- Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
- Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
- Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
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- Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
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- Page 100 and 101: ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the