SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILITY AND PARAMETER SIZETheresa Biberauer 1,2 & Ian Roberts 1University of Cambridge 1 and Stellenbosch University 2The focus of diachronic syntax has been on document<strong>in</strong>g and analyz<strong>in</strong>g recorded <strong>in</strong>stances ofchange. In a parametric model, this means try<strong>in</strong>g to observe, describe and expla<strong>in</strong> cases ofparametric change. However, if change is viewed as abductive reanalysis of <strong>the</strong> PLD <strong>in</strong> languageacquisition (Lightfoot 1979, 1991, 1999), we expect acquisition mostly to be convergent and,thus, that little will change. This is Keenan’s (1994/2002) Inertia Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, which we can phrase<strong>in</strong> parametric terms as:(1) Most of <strong>the</strong> time, most parameter values don’t change.In order to seriously understand both change and <strong>the</strong> nature of parameters, we need to qualifyboth occurrences of most. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, which parameters change and when? Are certa<strong>in</strong>parameters more amenable to change than o<strong>the</strong>rs? If so, what can we learn about parametersmore generally from <strong>the</strong>se changes? These are <strong>the</strong> questions this paper <strong>in</strong>vestigates. As we shallsee, cases where a parameter does not change can be as reveal<strong>in</strong>g as those where it does.In this connection, consider <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g cases of long-term historical conservation of knownparametrically variant properties:(2) a. (Multiple) Incorporation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Algonquian languages (Branigan 2012)b. Harmonic head-f<strong>in</strong>al order <strong>in</strong> Dravidian (Seever 1998:31) and Japanese/Koreanc. “Radical pro-drop” <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese and JapaneseGoddard (1994) observes that Proto-Algonquian was spoken 2000-3000 years ago, withnumerous structural, lexical and phonological features hav<strong>in</strong>g changed s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>n, but<strong>in</strong>corporation hav<strong>in</strong>g rema<strong>in</strong>ed a “signature” property. Assum<strong>in</strong>g for concreteness that a newgeneration of native speakers emerges every 25 years, <strong>in</strong> 3000 years we have 120 iterations of<strong>the</strong> learn<strong>in</strong>g cycle. Proto-Dravidian is dated by Seever (1998) to 4000BC, i.e. 6000 years ago, sothis parameter has rema<strong>in</strong>ed constant over roughly 240 iterations of <strong>the</strong> learn<strong>in</strong>g cycle. Similarly,<strong>the</strong> oldest texts <strong>in</strong> Japanese date from around 700-800AD, and so are over 1000 years old, aga<strong>in</strong>show<strong>in</strong>g conservation of head-f<strong>in</strong>ality and radical pro-drop over 40 iterations. We observe, <strong>the</strong>n,three cases, each <strong>in</strong>dependently thought to be macroparameters, which are conserved formillennia. Macroparameters affect all relevant categories <strong>in</strong> a uniform way.On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, it is easy to observe examples of relatively short-lived parameter sett<strong>in</strong>gs.Assum<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> class of English modals emerged through grammaticalisation <strong>in</strong> roughly <strong>the</strong>16 th century, we can see <strong>in</strong> contemporary English, less than 500 years later, that many of <strong>the</strong>modals are moribund: this is true <strong>in</strong> most varieties for need and dare, and <strong>in</strong> US English for mustand may. Moreover, <strong>in</strong>dividual modals differ <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> naturalness of <strong>in</strong>version: <strong>in</strong> contemporaryUK English for all uses of may and deontic might and <strong>in</strong> US English for all uses of might. Here,<strong>the</strong>n, <strong>the</strong> relevant parameters concern<strong>in</strong>g attraction of T by <strong>in</strong>terrogative C have becomerelativised to <strong>in</strong>dividual lexical items (<strong>the</strong> restrictions on “conditional <strong>in</strong>version” <strong>in</strong>contemporary English show that irrealis C <strong>in</strong>teracts with a different set of lexical items). This is aclear case of microparametric change, a change affect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dividual lexical items, possibly justone, <strong>in</strong> relation to a specific feature property of a functional head. The class of modals seems tohave started to change <strong>in</strong> this way <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 18 th century, 200 years, a mere 8 iterations of <strong>the</strong>learn<strong>in</strong>g cycle, after its creation through grammaticalisation. Ano<strong>the</strong>r example of <strong>the</strong> same k<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong> a different doma<strong>in</strong> concerns <strong>the</strong> subject-clitic systems of North-Western Romance (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g“advanced” varieties of French – Zribi-Hertz 1994): here we see synchronically a range ofsystems featur<strong>in</strong>g extreme microparametric variation concern<strong>in</strong>g which clitics have reanalysedfrom <strong>the</strong>ir earlier pronom<strong>in</strong>al status as functional heads <strong>in</strong> T- and C-systems (on Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Italiandialects, see Poletto 2000, Manz<strong>in</strong>i&Savoia 2005). Aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong>se systems appear to have emergedquite recently: Poletto (1995) observes that 16 th -century Veneto did not have subject clitics, andconservative varieties of contemporary French also do not. “Jespersen’s Cycle” represents afur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>stance of <strong>the</strong> same phenomenon. To summarise, we observe values of macroparameters
affect<strong>in</strong>g large classes of categories be<strong>in</strong>g conserved over millennia, <strong>in</strong> contrast to values ofmicroparameters, affect<strong>in</strong>g very small classes of or maybe even <strong>in</strong>dividual lexical items,undergo<strong>in</strong>g ra<strong>the</strong>r frequent change. Note that <strong>the</strong> same formal operations are <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> eachcase: head-movement (<strong>in</strong>corporation, T-to-C) and licens<strong>in</strong>g null arguments (radical pro-drop,subject clitics).F<strong>in</strong>ally, <strong>the</strong>re are “<strong>in</strong>termediate” cases which we dub mesoparametric change.Mesoparameters concern entire syntactic categories and, as such, are “smaller” thanmacroparameters (which concern all categories relevant to <strong>the</strong> feature <strong>in</strong> question), but “larger”than microparameters (which affect (subclasses of) lexical items). An example is <strong>the</strong> null-subjectparameter <strong>in</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> and Romance. This parameter <strong>in</strong>volves T licens<strong>in</strong>g null subjects, and has beenstable from Lat<strong>in</strong> through most of <strong>the</strong> recorded histories of Italian, Spanish and EuropeanPortuguese. It has, however, changed <strong>in</strong> French and Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Italo-Romance, presumably undercontact <strong>in</strong>fluence from Germanic, and also, strik<strong>in</strong>gly, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> heavily contact-<strong>in</strong>fluenced“Romania Nova” varieties. Ano<strong>the</strong>r likely case is (root) V2 <strong>in</strong> Germanic: although its diachronyis obscure, it has rema<strong>in</strong>ed remarkably stable across nearly all North and West Germanicvarieties. English is, of course, an exception, and, aga<strong>in</strong>, contact may expla<strong>in</strong> why this languagediverges (Kroch&Taylor 1997). In <strong>the</strong> doma<strong>in</strong> of word order, <strong>the</strong> West Germanic patternwhereby all categories <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> extended projection of V (except C) are head-f<strong>in</strong>al is an example.This pattern is stable across West Germanic, and has been for at least a millennium; aga<strong>in</strong>, itchanged <strong>in</strong> English, arguably under contact with VO North Germanic (Trips 2000) and alsoNorman French. It has also changed <strong>in</strong> Yiddish at <strong>the</strong> T-level, although VP rema<strong>in</strong>s variable(Wallenberg 2009; see Biberauer, Holmberg & Roberts 2007,2012 on <strong>the</strong> constra<strong>in</strong>t dictat<strong>in</strong>gthis “downward propagation” of word-order change).We conclude that three classes of parameter are identifiable: macro, meso and micro.Macroparameters concern large, featurally simple classes of heads, and are diachronically verystable. Mesoparameters concern <strong>in</strong>dividual syntactic categories (T, V, etc) and are diachronicallystable, but subject to change through contact. F<strong>in</strong>ally, microparameters concern small numbers oflexical items and are quite prone to change (unless <strong>the</strong> lexical elements are high-frequencyelements). Grammaticalisation, as it affects <strong>in</strong>dividual lexical items, is microparametric <strong>in</strong>nature. To <strong>the</strong> extent that grammaticalisation can be endogenous, microparametric change canbe.In l<strong>in</strong>e with <strong>the</strong> abductive reanalysis view of parametric change, macroparameters must be“easily” set; hence <strong>the</strong>y resist reanalysis and are <strong>the</strong>refore strongly conserved. Meso- andmicroparameters are correspond<strong>in</strong>gly less salient <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> PLD. This view is consistent with <strong>the</strong>view of parametric hierarchies put forward <strong>in</strong> Roberts (2011): macroparameters represent <strong>the</strong>higher parts of a hierarchy, microparameters <strong>the</strong> lowest and mesoparameters an <strong>in</strong>termediateposition. Importantly, this view does not imply that UG prespecifies <strong>the</strong> parameter types: <strong>the</strong>hierarchies emerge thanks to third-factor motivated acquisition strategies, possibly act<strong>in</strong>g onm<strong>in</strong>imal UG-specified content, possibly along <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>es of <strong>the</strong> schema-based model suggested byGianollo, Guardiano & Longobardi (2008). Macroparameters may be set at an acquisitional stageat which categorial dist<strong>in</strong>ctions are yet to be acquired, and thus <strong>the</strong>ir nature may be due to <strong>the</strong>learner’s “ignorance” (Branigan 2012). As categorial dist<strong>in</strong>ctions emerge, mesoparametersbecome available, ref<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> early m<strong>in</strong>imal category-based system. As <strong>the</strong> idiosyncraticproperties of <strong>in</strong>dividual members of syntactic classes emerge, microparameters become possible.This view <strong>the</strong>n expla<strong>in</strong>s how “superset” parameters can be set early without a “superset trap”aris<strong>in</strong>g; hence it is consistent with <strong>the</strong> Subset Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple (Berwick 1985). F<strong>in</strong>ally, it is important tonote that we are not propos<strong>in</strong>g that macroparameters cannot change (this view would be<strong>in</strong>compatible with <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of connectivity). Presumably, sufficiently <strong>in</strong>tensive contact canlead to change <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se parameters too: <strong>the</strong> evidence of head-<strong>in</strong>itial to head-f<strong>in</strong>al change <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Semitic languages under <strong>in</strong>tensive contact with Cushitic may be an example (cf. Leslau1945).
- Page 1 and 2: GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
- Page 3 and 4: INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
- Page 5: Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
- Page 8 and 9: REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
- Page 10 and 11: STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
- Page 12 and 13: 15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
- Page 14 and 15: 14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
- Page 16 and 17: 17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
- Page 18 and 19: 16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
- Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
- Page 22 and 23: The impossible chaos: When the mind
- Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
- Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
- Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
- Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
- Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
- Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
- Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
- Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
- Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
- Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
- Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
- Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
- Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
- Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
- Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
- Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
- Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
- Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the