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Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILITY AND PARAMETER SIZETheresa Biberauer 1,2 & Ian Roberts 1University of Cambridge 1 and Stellenbosch University 2The focus of diachronic syntax has been on document<strong>in</strong>g and analyz<strong>in</strong>g recorded <strong>in</strong>stances ofchange. In a parametric model, this means try<strong>in</strong>g to observe, describe and expla<strong>in</strong> cases ofparametric change. However, if change is viewed as abductive reanalysis of <strong>the</strong> PLD <strong>in</strong> languageacquisition (Lightfoot 1979, 1991, 1999), we expect acquisition mostly to be convergent and,thus, that little will change. This is Keenan’s (1994/2002) Inertia Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, which we can phrase<strong>in</strong> parametric terms as:(1) Most of <strong>the</strong> time, most parameter values don’t change.In order to seriously understand both change and <strong>the</strong> nature of parameters, we need to qualifyboth occurrences of most. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, which parameters change and when? Are certa<strong>in</strong>parameters more amenable to change than o<strong>the</strong>rs? If so, what can we learn about parametersmore generally from <strong>the</strong>se changes? These are <strong>the</strong> questions this paper <strong>in</strong>vestigates. As we shallsee, cases where a parameter does not change can be as reveal<strong>in</strong>g as those where it does.In this connection, consider <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g cases of long-term historical conservation of knownparametrically variant properties:(2) a. (Multiple) Incorporation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Algonquian languages (Branigan 2012)b. Harmonic head-f<strong>in</strong>al order <strong>in</strong> Dravidian (Seever 1998:31) and Japanese/Koreanc. “Radical pro-drop” <strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese and JapaneseGoddard (1994) observes that Proto-Algonquian was spoken 2000-3000 years ago, withnumerous structural, lexical and phonological features hav<strong>in</strong>g changed s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>n, but<strong>in</strong>corporation hav<strong>in</strong>g rema<strong>in</strong>ed a “signature” property. Assum<strong>in</strong>g for concreteness that a newgeneration of native speakers emerges every 25 years, <strong>in</strong> 3000 years we have 120 iterations of<strong>the</strong> learn<strong>in</strong>g cycle. Proto-Dravidian is dated by Seever (1998) to 4000BC, i.e. 6000 years ago, sothis parameter has rema<strong>in</strong>ed constant over roughly 240 iterations of <strong>the</strong> learn<strong>in</strong>g cycle. Similarly,<strong>the</strong> oldest texts <strong>in</strong> Japanese date from around 700-800AD, and so are over 1000 years old, aga<strong>in</strong>show<strong>in</strong>g conservation of head-f<strong>in</strong>ality and radical pro-drop over 40 iterations. We observe, <strong>the</strong>n,three cases, each <strong>in</strong>dependently thought to be macroparameters, which are conserved formillennia. Macroparameters affect all relevant categories <strong>in</strong> a uniform way.On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, it is easy to observe examples of relatively short-lived parameter sett<strong>in</strong>gs.Assum<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> class of English modals emerged through grammaticalisation <strong>in</strong> roughly <strong>the</strong>16 th century, we can see <strong>in</strong> contemporary English, less than 500 years later, that many of <strong>the</strong>modals are moribund: this is true <strong>in</strong> most varieties for need and dare, and <strong>in</strong> US English for mustand may. Moreover, <strong>in</strong>dividual modals differ <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> naturalness of <strong>in</strong>version: <strong>in</strong> contemporaryUK English for all uses of may and deontic might and <strong>in</strong> US English for all uses of might. Here,<strong>the</strong>n, <strong>the</strong> relevant parameters concern<strong>in</strong>g attraction of T by <strong>in</strong>terrogative C have becomerelativised to <strong>in</strong>dividual lexical items (<strong>the</strong> restrictions on “conditional <strong>in</strong>version” <strong>in</strong>contemporary English show that irrealis C <strong>in</strong>teracts with a different set of lexical items). This is aclear case of microparametric change, a change affect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dividual lexical items, possibly justone, <strong>in</strong> relation to a specific feature property of a functional head. The class of modals seems tohave started to change <strong>in</strong> this way <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 18 th century, 200 years, a mere 8 iterations of <strong>the</strong>learn<strong>in</strong>g cycle, after its creation through grammaticalisation. Ano<strong>the</strong>r example of <strong>the</strong> same k<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong> a different doma<strong>in</strong> concerns <strong>the</strong> subject-clitic systems of North-Western Romance (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g“advanced” varieties of French – Zribi-Hertz 1994): here we see synchronically a range ofsystems featur<strong>in</strong>g extreme microparametric variation concern<strong>in</strong>g which clitics have reanalysedfrom <strong>the</strong>ir earlier pronom<strong>in</strong>al status as functional heads <strong>in</strong> T- and C-systems (on Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Italiandialects, see Poletto 2000, Manz<strong>in</strong>i&Savoia 2005). Aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong>se systems appear to have emergedquite recently: Poletto (1995) observes that 16 th -century Veneto did not have subject clitics, andconservative varieties of contemporary French also do not. “Jespersen’s Cycle” represents afur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>stance of <strong>the</strong> same phenomenon. To summarise, we observe values of macroparameters

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