Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World
Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World
Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;8.5)Target: ‘I’m not hurt<strong>in</strong>g this knee now.’In addition, Emma moves <strong>the</strong> auxiliary gonna across negation (<strong>in</strong> 15 out of 16 cases):(3) The teletubby gonna not sleep <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>re more (Emma 2;8.5)Target: ‘The teletubby is not gonna sleep <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>re anymore.’Thirdly, we also f<strong>in</strong>d subject-verb <strong>in</strong>version with f<strong>in</strong>ite ma<strong>in</strong> verbs <strong>in</strong> yes/no-questions. In 10out <strong>the</strong> 12 yes/no-question contexts requir<strong>in</strong>g do-<strong>in</strong>sertion <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> corpus <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ite ma<strong>in</strong> verb hasmoved across <strong>the</strong> subject, as <strong>in</strong> (4):(4) Drive daddy me to barnehage? (Emma 2;7.14)Target: ‘Will daddy drive me to <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>dergarten?’As <strong>the</strong>se types of patterns are hardly ever attested <strong>in</strong> monol<strong>in</strong>gual English-speak<strong>in</strong>g children,it seems clear that <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> result of transfer from Norwegian <strong>in</strong>to English. At first sight, thistype of transfer might seem surpris<strong>in</strong>g. Emma appears to be transferr<strong>in</strong>g a less economicalconstruction (i.e. V2) <strong>in</strong>to a language that displays a more economical option (no verbmovement). However, we argue that various factors make such transfer plausible and eveneconomical. First of all, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Henry and Tangney (1999) a language <strong>in</strong> which all verbsundergo verb movement is ‘simpler’ than a language <strong>in</strong> which some verbs move and some do not.Thus, one could claim that <strong>the</strong> verb movement pattern <strong>in</strong> Norwegian should be easier than that ofEnglish, s<strong>in</strong>ce all verbs behave <strong>the</strong> same way syntactically. Although <strong>the</strong> ‘<strong>in</strong>consistency’ <strong>in</strong>English does not appear to cause problems for monol<strong>in</strong>gual English-speak<strong>in</strong>g children, <strong>in</strong> abil<strong>in</strong>gual context, this area of grammar may become vulnerable. Moreover, as described above,English and Norwegian display certa<strong>in</strong> superficial structural similarities with respect to verbplacement of auxiliaries. Hence, we argue that <strong>the</strong> strong cues for generalized ma<strong>in</strong> clause verbmovement <strong>in</strong> Norwegian enhance <strong>the</strong> cues for verb movement <strong>in</strong> English <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>gual context,and causes occasional transfer of Norwegian verb movement patterns <strong>in</strong>to English.Thus, <strong>the</strong> results of this study suggest that cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>gual languageacquisition is facilitated <strong>in</strong> situations where <strong>the</strong>re is superficial structural overlap between <strong>the</strong> twolanguages. The English system <strong>in</strong> itself presents ambiguous cues concern<strong>in</strong>g verb placement,while <strong>the</strong> cues <strong>in</strong> Norwegian are very consistent. The child <strong>the</strong>refore partially and temporarily‘borrows’ full V2 from Norwegian as a relief strategy (Müller 1998) at a stage when <strong>the</strong>complete pattern of English verb placement (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g do-support) is not yet acquired.Selected referencesHenry & Tangney 1999. Functional categories and parameter sett<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second-languageacquisition of Irish <strong>in</strong> early childhood. In Language Creation and Language Change:Creolization, Diachrony, and Development. Hulk & Müller 2000. Bil<strong>in</strong>gual first languageacquisition at <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terface between syntax and pragmatics. Bil<strong>in</strong>gualism: Language andCognition. Müller & Hulk 2001. Crossl<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>gual language acquisition.Bil<strong>in</strong>gualism: Language and Cognition. Müller 1998. Transfer <strong>in</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>gual first languageacquisition. Bil<strong>in</strong>gualism: Language and Cognition. Sorace & Filiaci 2006. Anaphora resolution<strong>in</strong> near-native speakers of Italian. Second Language Research. Westergaard 2009. TheAcquisition of Word Order.