Timothy Bazalgette University of Cambridge process (iii) creates new natural classes to describe <strong>the</strong> featural distribution seen, which can <strong>in</strong>turn be made reference to <strong>in</strong> process (ii) <strong>in</strong> subsequent loops of <strong>the</strong> algorithm.This has <strong>the</strong> overall effect of tak<strong>in</strong>g a multiset of items, each of which has a number ofassociated properties (<strong>the</strong> characterisation of <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>put), and from this construct<strong>in</strong>g acategorial system that provides a structured representation of <strong>the</strong>se properties, with noncategory-def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>gproperties be<strong>in</strong>g represented as features associated with natural classes.Thus when additionally given a sequential order of features to acquire (presumablyresult<strong>in</strong>g from a comb<strong>in</strong>ation of cognitive biases and overtness <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> data; see e.g. Gentner1982, and Harley and Ritter 2000 for evidence of sequential categorial and featuralacquisition) <strong>the</strong> algorithm determ<strong>in</strong>istically results <strong>in</strong> a structure, which can be demonstratedus<strong>in</strong>g a toy fragment of English:Items: John, Mary, Peter, Paul, book, apple, literature, sees, loves, knows, sneezes,sleeps, slowly, quickly, of, under, for, <strong>in</strong>toFeatures (<strong>in</strong> order of prom<strong>in</strong>ence): N, V, case-assigner, “free”-adjo<strong>in</strong>er, pied-pip<strong>in</strong>gpossible, transitive, can take a determ<strong>in</strong>er, proper nounSuppos<strong>in</strong>g (for expositional simplicity, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong>oretical validity) <strong>the</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ctive featuralcategory system of Chomsky (1981), <strong>the</strong> algorithm gives <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g output:(3) [-N] are case-assigners[-N,-V] allow pied-pip<strong>in</strong>g[+N,+V] are “freely” adjo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g[+N,-V,-det] are proper nounsThough much of this example is overly simplistic, <strong>the</strong> toy grammar none<strong>the</strong>lessdemonstrates some key properties of <strong>the</strong> algorithm:-‐ Where possible, it assigns features to exist<strong>in</strong>g natural classes, which reduces <strong>the</strong>complexity of <strong>the</strong> system, and may be why many syntactic features (e.g. uCase, vPhi, EPPetc.) seem to be privative ra<strong>the</strong>r than dist<strong>in</strong>ctive. Such privative features do not create newcategorial dist<strong>in</strong>ctions, and so hierarchies of <strong>the</strong> type <strong>in</strong> (1) are predicted not to <strong>in</strong>teractwith one ano<strong>the</strong>r.-‐ Features assigned by process (iii) do make categorial dist<strong>in</strong>ctions, and so here <strong>the</strong> order ofprom<strong>in</strong>ence may affect <strong>the</strong> output, potentially underly<strong>in</strong>g e.g. microvariation <strong>in</strong> lexicalmean<strong>in</strong>gs, with cognitive biases perhaps prevent<strong>in</strong>g such variation <strong>in</strong> syntactic acquisition.-‐ When categories do need to be dist<strong>in</strong>guished, sub-categories are preferred over top-levelones, which considerably reduces computational load, and also may expla<strong>in</strong> e.g. syntacticsub-categories and potentially feature-geometric structures.-‐ Dist<strong>in</strong>ction of new high-level categories is especially dispreferred late <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> acquisitionpathway, as this creates even more complexity, which may underlie l<strong>in</strong>guistic tendencies toregularise.More generally, <strong>the</strong> advantages associated with <strong>the</strong> hierarchies <strong>in</strong> (1) also apply here,mean<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> algorithm can be seen to underlie a wide range of known properties ofsyntactic variation and change. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, it is equally applicable to phonological data (e.g.Ito and Mester’s 1994 phonotactic analysis of Japanese can be readily adapted to thisapproach), yield<strong>in</strong>g fur<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>sights, and even to non-l<strong>in</strong>guistic forms of categorisation, and sois a plausible candidate for a naturally-selected cognitive process that is none<strong>the</strong>less a crucialpart of FLB – <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sense of Chomsky (2005), a third factor.
Cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence and structural overlap affect<strong>in</strong>g English verb placementKrist<strong>in</strong>e BentzenUniversity of TromsøIt is well-known that although bil<strong>in</strong>gual children clearly separate <strong>the</strong>ir languages from very earlyon (cf. e.g. Genesee 1989, Meisel 1989), cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence between <strong>the</strong> child’s languagesis a fairly common phenomenon. Various proposals have been put forward to account for <strong>the</strong>source and nature of such cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence. In <strong>the</strong> last decade, a particularly <strong>in</strong>fluentialapproach has explored <strong>the</strong> relevance of l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>terfaces <strong>in</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>gual language acquisition (seee.g. Hulk & Müller 2000, Müller & Hulk 2001, Sorace & Filiaci 2006, and numerous subsequentstudies). In <strong>the</strong>ir sem<strong>in</strong>al work on this topic, Hulk and Müller argue that two conditions must bemet <strong>in</strong> order for cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence to occur: (i) <strong>the</strong> two languages must display(superficial) structural similarities with respect to <strong>the</strong> phenomenon <strong>in</strong> question, and (ii) <strong>the</strong>phenomenon <strong>in</strong>volves <strong>the</strong> syntax-pragmatics <strong>in</strong>terface.In this paper, we present data from a balanced Norwegian-English bil<strong>in</strong>gual girl, Emma,aged 2;7-2;10, who appears to transfer V2 from Norwegian <strong>in</strong>to English. V2 <strong>in</strong> Norwegian matrixclauses is not a phenomenon that depends on discourse or pragmatic factors; ra<strong>the</strong>r is seems to bepart of core syntax. Thus, this k<strong>in</strong>d of transfer suggests that cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence is notrestricted to <strong>the</strong> syntax-pragmatics <strong>in</strong>terface. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, we argue that structural overlap between <strong>the</strong>two languages, <strong>in</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ation with complexity, is <strong>the</strong> central cause for this type of <strong>in</strong>fluence.Norwegian is a V2 language and generally displays V-to-C movement <strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> clauses.Consequently, all f<strong>in</strong>ite verbs move across negation and o<strong>the</strong>r adverbs <strong>in</strong> subject-<strong>in</strong>itial matrixclauses, and <strong>in</strong>vert with <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>in</strong> non-subject <strong>in</strong>itial matrix clauses, as well as <strong>in</strong> yes/no- andwh-questions. Monol<strong>in</strong>gual Norwegian children have been found to acquire V2 very early <strong>in</strong> allof <strong>the</strong>se contexts (cf. Westergaard 2009). English, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, is a residual V2 language, <strong>in</strong>which only auxiliaries and <strong>the</strong> copula undergo verb movement, and only <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> context. Thus,<strong>in</strong> parallel with Norwegian, English displays movement of f<strong>in</strong>ite auxiliaries across negation, aswell as subject-verb <strong>in</strong>version with <strong>the</strong>se verbs <strong>in</strong> questions. However, <strong>in</strong> non-subject <strong>in</strong>itialclauses, <strong>the</strong>re is no verb movement. Moreover, f<strong>in</strong>ite ma<strong>in</strong> verbs never undergo verb movement.Although monol<strong>in</strong>gual English-speak<strong>in</strong>g children occasionally fail to move f<strong>in</strong>ite auxiliaries <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> relevant contexts, overgeneralized movement of f<strong>in</strong>ite ma<strong>in</strong> verbs is hardly ever attested.The bil<strong>in</strong>gual child <strong>in</strong>vestigated <strong>in</strong> this study appears to master V2 <strong>in</strong> Norwegian at <strong>the</strong> samelevel of competence as her monol<strong>in</strong>gual Norwegian peers. However, <strong>in</strong> Emma’s English, we seeverb movement patterns that are not attested <strong>in</strong> monol<strong>in</strong>gual English acquisition. First of all, <strong>in</strong>non-subject <strong>in</strong>itial matrix clauses, she produces subject-verb <strong>in</strong>version 26.3% of <strong>the</strong> time (<strong>in</strong>20/76 <strong>in</strong>stances), result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> constructions like (1):(1) Now throw I it (Emma 2;8.5)Target: ‘Now I throw it’/‘Now I’m throw<strong>in</strong>g it’Secondly, we also f<strong>in</strong>d deviant verb movement <strong>in</strong> negated clauses. Emma does not masterdo-<strong>in</strong>sertion yet at this age. While most of her negated clauses display <strong>the</strong> typical pattern found <strong>in</strong>monol<strong>in</strong>gual English-speak<strong>in</strong>g children at this po<strong>in</strong>t of development, (2a), she also produces verbmovement across negation, as <strong>in</strong> (2b) <strong>in</strong> as much as 21.8% of her negated clauses:(2) a. Mommy not know that (Emma 2;8.5)Target: ‘Mommy doesn’t know that.’
- Page 1 and 2: GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
- Page 3 and 4: INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
- Page 5: Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
- Page 8 and 9: REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
- Page 10 and 11: STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
- Page 12 and 13: 15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
- Page 14 and 15: 14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
- Page 16 and 17: 17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
- Page 18 and 19: 16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
- Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
- Page 22 and 23: The impossible chaos: When the mind
- Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
- Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
- Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
- Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
- Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
- Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
- Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
- Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
- Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
- Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
- Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
- Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
- Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
- Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
- Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
- Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
- Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
- Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
- Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
- Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
- Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
- Page 70 and 71: 4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
- Page 72 and 73: 2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
- Page 74 and 75: availability of the SR reading in (
- Page 76 and 77: Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
- Page 78 and 79: a PF interface phenomenon as propos
- Page 80 and 81: (b) Once the learner has determined
- Page 82 and 83: cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the