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Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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Cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence and structural overlap affect<strong>in</strong>g English verb placementKrist<strong>in</strong>e BentzenUniversity of TromsøIt is well-known that although bil<strong>in</strong>gual children clearly separate <strong>the</strong>ir languages from very earlyon (cf. e.g. Genesee 1989, Meisel 1989), cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence between <strong>the</strong> child’s languagesis a fairly common phenomenon. Various proposals have been put forward to account for <strong>the</strong>source and nature of such cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence. In <strong>the</strong> last decade, a particularly <strong>in</strong>fluentialapproach has explored <strong>the</strong> relevance of l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>terfaces <strong>in</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>gual language acquisition (seee.g. Hulk & Müller 2000, Müller & Hulk 2001, Sorace & Filiaci 2006, and numerous subsequentstudies). In <strong>the</strong>ir sem<strong>in</strong>al work on this topic, Hulk and Müller argue that two conditions must bemet <strong>in</strong> order for cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence to occur: (i) <strong>the</strong> two languages must display(superficial) structural similarities with respect to <strong>the</strong> phenomenon <strong>in</strong> question, and (ii) <strong>the</strong>phenomenon <strong>in</strong>volves <strong>the</strong> syntax-pragmatics <strong>in</strong>terface.In this paper, we present data from a balanced Norwegian-English bil<strong>in</strong>gual girl, Emma,aged 2;7-2;10, who appears to transfer V2 from Norwegian <strong>in</strong>to English. V2 <strong>in</strong> Norwegian matrixclauses is not a phenomenon that depends on discourse or pragmatic factors; ra<strong>the</strong>r is seems to bepart of core syntax. Thus, this k<strong>in</strong>d of transfer suggests that cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>fluence is notrestricted to <strong>the</strong> syntax-pragmatics <strong>in</strong>terface. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, we argue that structural overlap between <strong>the</strong>two languages, <strong>in</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ation with complexity, is <strong>the</strong> central cause for this type of <strong>in</strong>fluence.Norwegian is a V2 language and generally displays V-to-C movement <strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> clauses.Consequently, all f<strong>in</strong>ite verbs move across negation and o<strong>the</strong>r adverbs <strong>in</strong> subject-<strong>in</strong>itial matrixclauses, and <strong>in</strong>vert with <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>in</strong> non-subject <strong>in</strong>itial matrix clauses, as well as <strong>in</strong> yes/no- andwh-questions. Monol<strong>in</strong>gual Norwegian children have been found to acquire V2 very early <strong>in</strong> allof <strong>the</strong>se contexts (cf. Westergaard 2009). English, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, is a residual V2 language, <strong>in</strong>which only auxiliaries and <strong>the</strong> copula undergo verb movement, and only <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> context. Thus,<strong>in</strong> parallel with Norwegian, English displays movement of f<strong>in</strong>ite auxiliaries across negation, aswell as subject-verb <strong>in</strong>version with <strong>the</strong>se verbs <strong>in</strong> questions. However, <strong>in</strong> non-subject <strong>in</strong>itialclauses, <strong>the</strong>re is no verb movement. Moreover, f<strong>in</strong>ite ma<strong>in</strong> verbs never undergo verb movement.Although monol<strong>in</strong>gual English-speak<strong>in</strong>g children occasionally fail to move f<strong>in</strong>ite auxiliaries <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> relevant contexts, overgeneralized movement of f<strong>in</strong>ite ma<strong>in</strong> verbs is hardly ever attested.The bil<strong>in</strong>gual child <strong>in</strong>vestigated <strong>in</strong> this study appears to master V2 <strong>in</strong> Norwegian at <strong>the</strong> samelevel of competence as her monol<strong>in</strong>gual Norwegian peers. However, <strong>in</strong> Emma’s English, we seeverb movement patterns that are not attested <strong>in</strong> monol<strong>in</strong>gual English acquisition. First of all, <strong>in</strong>non-subject <strong>in</strong>itial matrix clauses, she produces subject-verb <strong>in</strong>version 26.3% of <strong>the</strong> time (<strong>in</strong>20/76 <strong>in</strong>stances), result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> constructions like (1):(1) Now throw I it (Emma 2;8.5)Target: ‘Now I throw it’/‘Now I’m throw<strong>in</strong>g it’Secondly, we also f<strong>in</strong>d deviant verb movement <strong>in</strong> negated clauses. Emma does not masterdo-<strong>in</strong>sertion yet at this age. While most of her negated clauses display <strong>the</strong> typical pattern found <strong>in</strong>monol<strong>in</strong>gual English-speak<strong>in</strong>g children at this po<strong>in</strong>t of development, (2a), she also produces verbmovement across negation, as <strong>in</strong> (2b) <strong>in</strong> as much as 21.8% of her negated clauses:(2) a. Mommy not know that (Emma 2;8.5)Target: ‘Mommy doesn’t know that.’

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