occur (cf. figure 1). Similar performance was shown by <strong>the</strong> L1-German children, as illustrated<strong>in</strong> figure 2.(1) a. *Versteckt (= sie versteckt sich) '(She) hides herself'b. Kämt ihr Haar (= sie kämt ihr Haar) '(She) combs her hair'c. *Drehen (= sie dreht sich) '(It) turns'd. Die Tür geht zu (<strong>in</strong>stead of schließt sich) 'The door closes'e. *Das Eis schmelzt sich 'The ice-cream melts'Anticausatives I100% 100%German-TurkishGerman-Russian100%97% 100%95% 92%89% 72%Anticausatives IIReflexivesFigure 1: German-Turkish/Russian results Figure 2: L1-German resultsThe monol<strong>in</strong>guals and bil<strong>in</strong>guals showed <strong>the</strong> same performance <strong>in</strong> (a) omitt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> anaphorsich with reflexives and anticausatives II, (b) not overus<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> anaphor sich withanticausatives I and, (c) scor<strong>in</strong>g better with reflexives than anticausatives II. The po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>in</strong> (a)-(c) suggest that <strong>the</strong> monol<strong>in</strong>guals and bil<strong>in</strong>guals follow <strong>the</strong> same path of development <strong>in</strong>acquir<strong>in</strong>g reflexives and anticausatives <strong>in</strong> German. We expla<strong>in</strong>ed this performance <strong>in</strong> terms ofcomplexity of syntactic computation (Alexiadou 2010; Jakubowicz & Nash 2001), for bothmonol<strong>in</strong>guals and bil<strong>in</strong>guals.However, although it is true that <strong>the</strong> bil<strong>in</strong>guals performed qualitatively similarly to<strong>the</strong>ir monol<strong>in</strong>gual peers, <strong>the</strong> former group performed quantitatively worse than <strong>the</strong> latter (cf.figures 1 and 2). Try<strong>in</strong>g to expla<strong>in</strong> this quantitative difference we first excluded languagetransfer from Turkish/Russian to German. If transfer would occur, different patterns ofproduction should occur due to typological/structural similarities/differences mentionedabove. We expla<strong>in</strong>ed this quantitative difference on <strong>the</strong> basis of <strong>in</strong>put. The tested children aresequential bil<strong>in</strong>guals who are exposed to German later than <strong>the</strong>ir L1 peers. Such age-of-onseteffects are often associated with restricted <strong>in</strong>put and, of course, less amounts of <strong>in</strong>put ascompared to <strong>the</strong>ir L1 peers (Nicoladis et al. 2012, and references <strong>the</strong>re<strong>in</strong>).In conclusion, our results suggest that <strong>the</strong> specific test-sett<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> our experiment, i.e.age of test<strong>in</strong>g (av. 4;0), age-of-onset (av. 2;6-2;8), time of exposure to German until <strong>the</strong>test<strong>in</strong>g time (av. 1;2-1;4 years) and complex structures such as Voice, which are shown to beacquired late <strong>in</strong> life anyway (Borer & Wexler 1987; cf. very high target-deviant scores also byL1s) are responsible for <strong>the</strong> quantitative difference between bil<strong>in</strong>guals and monol<strong>in</strong>guals,ra<strong>the</strong>r than typological/structural similarities/differences.Selected referencesAlexiadou, A. 2010. On <strong>the</strong> morpho-syntax of (anti-)causative verbs. In M. Rappaport Hovav,E. Doron & I. Sichel (eds.) Syntax, Lexical Semantics and Event Structure. OxfordUniversity Press, 177-203.Jakubowicz, C. and L. Nash. 2001. Functional Categories and Syntactic Operations <strong>in</strong>(Ab)normal Language Acquisition, Bra<strong>in</strong> and Language 77, 32l–339.Nicoladis, E., P. Marentette and J. Song. 2012. Do young bil<strong>in</strong>guals acquire past tensemorphology like monol<strong>in</strong>guals, only later? Evidence from French-English and Ch<strong>in</strong>ese-English bil<strong>in</strong>guals. Applied Psychol<strong>in</strong>guistics 33:3, DOI: 10.1017/S0142716411000439.Serratrice, L., A. Sorace, F. Filiaci and M. Baldo. 2012. Pronom<strong>in</strong>al objects <strong>in</strong> English-Italianand Spanish-Italian bil<strong>in</strong>gual children. Applied Psychol<strong>in</strong>guistics 33, 725-751.
pro as a m<strong>in</strong>imal NP: towards a unified <strong>the</strong>ory of pro-dropPilar Barbosa (University of M<strong>in</strong>ho, Portugal)In recent years, <strong>the</strong>re has been a return to Perlmutter’s (l971) <strong>in</strong>sight that <strong>the</strong> implicit subject<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Null Subject Languages (NSL) is a fully specified pronoun that is deleted <strong>in</strong> PF (cf.Holmberg 2005 and Roberts 2010). This view has been motivated by <strong>the</strong> observation that <strong>the</strong>classic GB <strong>the</strong>ory of pro accord<strong>in</strong>g to which pro is a m<strong>in</strong>imally specified nom<strong>in</strong>al whosefeatures are supplied by Infl is <strong>in</strong>compatible with <strong>the</strong> approach to feature <strong>the</strong>ory developed <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> M<strong>in</strong>imalist Program. In this framework, <strong>the</strong> φ -features <strong>in</strong> T are assumed to beun<strong>in</strong>terpretable, hence unvalued. This raises a problem for <strong>the</strong> idea that subject pro is<strong>in</strong>herently unspecified for φ-features. The PF deletion analysis circumvents this problem.Concomitantly, recent <strong>the</strong>ories of <strong>the</strong> nature of pronouns (Elbourne 2005) have posited aphonologically null NP as a complement of D <strong>in</strong> every pronoun (an NP affected by deletion,<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case of E-type pronouns, or [ NP e], an <strong>in</strong>dex, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case of regular pronouns). Thisproposal re<strong>in</strong>troduces <strong>the</strong> need to posit a null, m<strong>in</strong>imally specified NP <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> grammar, thusreopen<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> issue of whe<strong>the</strong>r pro can be reduced to an <strong>in</strong>stance of [ NP e]. Here we offer aunified analysis of different types of pro-drop based on <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that pro=[ NP e].It is possible to isolate at least four typological patterns of NSL: 1. Languages withrich subject agreement morphology (consistent NSLs), such as Italian. 2. Languages that haveagreement and referential null subjects whose distribution is restricted (partial NSLs), such asHebrew, F<strong>in</strong>nish, Marathi, Russian, colloquial Brazilian Portuguese (BP). 3. Languages thatlack agreement, such as Ch<strong>in</strong>ese or Japanese, which have been described as topic-orientedlanguages and allow for any argument to be dropped (discourse pro-drop languages). 4.Languages that only have impersonal and expletive NSs (semi pro-drop): a range of Creoles,Icelandic.One key property that dist<strong>in</strong>guishes Type 2 from Type 1 NSLs (Holmberg 2005) isthat a 3P subject can have a generic <strong>in</strong>terpretation equivalent to English ‘one’ (which may<strong>in</strong>clude <strong>the</strong> speaker and <strong>the</strong> addressee) <strong>in</strong> Type 2, whereas <strong>the</strong> languages of Type 1 mustresort to some overt strategy <strong>in</strong> order to convey this read<strong>in</strong>g. So as to capture this difference,Holmberg (2005) proposes that <strong>the</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ctive property of <strong>the</strong> consistent NSLs as opposed to<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r types of NSL is that T has a D-feature encod<strong>in</strong>g def<strong>in</strong>iteness. In Holmberg’s system,posit<strong>in</strong>g this feature has an impact on <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>the</strong> NS, but has no consequences on<strong>the</strong> syntax of overt pre-verbal subjects: <strong>in</strong> all of <strong>the</strong>se cases, <strong>the</strong>y are assumed to raise to Spec-TP and check <strong>the</strong> EPP. However, <strong>the</strong> languages of Type 2 differ from <strong>the</strong> languages of Type 1with regard to <strong>the</strong> distribution and <strong>in</strong>terpretation of overt subjects. Consider <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>gPortuguese examples:(1) O João disse que ele comprou um computador.<strong>the</strong> João said that he bought a computerIn <strong>the</strong> European variety of Portuguese, a Type 1 NSL, <strong>the</strong> embedded pronoun <strong>in</strong> (1) ispreferably <strong>in</strong>terpreted as non-co-referential with <strong>the</strong> matrix subject. For co-reference, <strong>the</strong> NSoption is used (<strong>the</strong> so-called Avoid Pronoun Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple). In BP, however, <strong>the</strong> overt pronoun <strong>in</strong>(1) may be co-referent with <strong>the</strong> matrix subject (similar facts obta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r partialNSLs). S<strong>in</strong>ce, under <strong>the</strong> pronoun deletion analyses, <strong>the</strong> presence of <strong>the</strong> D-feature <strong>in</strong> T has noimpact on <strong>the</strong> status of overt preverbal subject pronouns, <strong>the</strong>se facts are left unaccounted for.One alternative analysis of Type 1 languages is that <strong>the</strong> +D φ-feature specification <strong>in</strong> T is<strong>in</strong>terpretable (cf. Barbosa l995, Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou l998, a. o.). One of <strong>the</strong>corollaries of this approach is that pre-verbal (non-quantified) subjects are Clitic LeftDislocated (CLLD). Viewed <strong>in</strong> this light, <strong>the</strong> Avoid Pronoun Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple simply reduces to <strong>the</strong>preference for not merg<strong>in</strong>g a pronoun as a CLLDed Topic unless it is required to signal topicswitch or for emphasis/empathy. In a partial NSL, by contrast, <strong>the</strong> overt pronoun is a genu<strong>in</strong>e
- Page 1 and 2: GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
- Page 3 and 4: INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
- Page 5: Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
- Page 8 and 9: REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
- Page 10 and 11: STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
- Page 12 and 13: 15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
- Page 14 and 15: 14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
- Page 16 and 17: 17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
- Page 18 and 19: 16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
- Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
- Page 22 and 23: The impossible chaos: When the mind
- Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
- Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
- Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
- Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
- Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
- Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
- Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
- Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
- Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
- Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
- Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
- Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
- Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
- Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
- Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
- Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
- Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
- Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
- Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
- Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
- Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
- Page 70 and 71: 4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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- Page 74 and 75: availability of the SR reading in (
- Page 76 and 77: Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the