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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn. Sci. 6, 78–84 (2002).18. Gobet, F. et al., Trends Cogn. Sci. 5, 236–2 (2001).19. Baddeley, A., Trends Cogn. Sci. 4, 417–423 (2000).20. Perham N., Marsh, J. E., & Jones, D. M, Q. J. Exp. Psychol–A 62, 1285–91 (2009).21. Humphries, C., et al., J. Cogn. Neurosci. 18, 665–79 (2006).
Raising to Object from finite CPs: dual A/A-bar and MCCGabriela Alboiu & Virginia HillIssue. In colloquial Romanian (Rom) verbs expressing knowledge from reasoning (e.g.cunosc, ştiu ‘know’) or inference (e.g. văd ‘see/realize’, aud ‘hear/find out’) allow for thethematic subject of their embedded clause to surface either in the finite indicativecomplement CP, with NOM spell-out, see (1a), or, in the matrix clause, with ACC spell-out,see (1b). Both (1a) and (1b) have evidential readings.(1) a. Am văzut [că Ion k /el k e k pompier / lăcomeşte k la mâncare].AUX.1 seen that Ion/ he.NOM is firefighter / is.greedy at food‘I/We saw (= realized) that Ion is a fire-fighter / greedy with food.’b. L k -am văzut pe Ion k [că (*e k pompier) / lăcomeşte k la mâncare].CL.3SGM.ACC-AUX.1 seen PRT Ion that (is firefighter) / is.greedy.3SG at food‘I/We saw Ion being (*a firefighter) / greedy with food.’The evidential nature of perception verbs is not surprising, but the following facts might be:(i) Subject raising changes evidentiality: in (1a), there is inference of a fact, while in (1b), theraised subject is evaluated by the speaker, thus ruling out individual-level predicates.Specifically, there is a shift in speaker commitment, so a shift in ‘evidence type’ (Rooryck2001) with raising: either from indirect to direct/attested evidentiality (in the sense of Willett1988), or within indirect evidentiality, from hearsay/reportative to inferential. (ii) While Suto-Suraising is known to trigger evidential meanings (Ruwet 1972, Rooryck 2001), Su-to-Obj raising has not thus been analysed. (iii) Su raising is out of a finite, Case-licensing CP, sothe trigger for this DP movement must be accounted for independently of Case requirements.Objective. We argue for the following: (i) The derivation in (1b) arises from Raising toObject (RtoO)/ECM, across the phasal indicative CP; (ii) RtoO in Rom is both A-bar and A-movement; (iii) The trigger for movement is an [Eval(uative)] feature grammaticized ontothe inherently evidential main clause predicate with shifted evidentiality.Background. Formal analyses of constructions similar to (1b) show a split between: (i) across-clausal movement analysis, where the DP moves from a non-finite complement clauseto a matrix Case position (i.e. standard ECM), e.g. Bošković (2007), Bowers (2002), Johnson(1991); or (ii) an external Merge/proleptic construction, where the DP (or associated clitic) isbase-generated in the matrix clause for discourse requirements, and is chain related to an A orA-bar position in the complement clause which, cross-linguistically, could be finite or nonfinite(e.g. Bruening 2001, Davies 2005, Massam 1985).Properties. First, matrix base-generation cannot be assumed for Rom, on several grounds:(i) Evaluative/evidential Vs disallow the CAUSE+HAVE/LOCATION analysis of ditransitives(Harley 2002) and are exclusively mono-transitive; (ii) The relevant DP disallows resumptivepronouns in the embedded clause, whereas object control constructions, which are ditransitive,allow them: compare (2a) to control (2b); (iii) A relative clause analysis is ruledout due to lack of adjacency: see (3) with the intervening matrix subject intervening. Hence,in both (1a) & (1b), the matrix verb selects only the obligatorily indicative CP complement.(2) a. Îl k ştiu pe Rareş k [că e (*el k ) om bun (*el k ).CL.3SG.M.ACC know.1SG PRT Rares [that is 3SG.M.NOM man good 3SG.M.NOM‘I know Rares to be a good man.’b. L k -am convins (pe Ion k ) [să plăteasca (el k ) lumina].3CL.SG.M.ACC-AUX.1 convinced (PRT Ion) [SUBJ pay.subj.3 3SG.M.NOM light‘I/We convinced Ion to pay the hydro bill.’(3) b. Îl ştia pe Ion toată lumea [că era om bun].him knew DOM Ion all world.the that was man good‘Everybody knew Ion to be a good man.’
Page 1 and 2: GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
Page 3 and 4: INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
Page 5: Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
Page 8 and 9: REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
Page 10 and 11: STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
Page 12 and 13: 15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
Page 14 and 15: 14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
Page 16 and 17: 17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
Page 18 and 19: 16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
Page 22 and 23: The impossible chaos: When the mind
Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
Page 58 and 59: A neoparametric approach to variati
Page 60 and 61: Lexical items merged in functional
Page 62 and 63: Setting the elements of syntactic v
Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
Page 70 and 71: 4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
Page 72 and 73: 2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the
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