The impossible chaos: When <strong>the</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d cannot elim<strong>in</strong>ate language structure.Silvia Albert<strong>in</strong>i 1 , Marco Tettamanti 2 , Andrea Moro 1 .1 IUSS Center for Neurol<strong>in</strong>guistics and Theoretical Syntax Ne.T.S., Pavia; 2 Division of Neuroscienceand Department of Nuclear Medic<strong>in</strong>e, San Raffaele Scientific Institute, Milan.A long-stand<strong>in</strong>g l<strong>in</strong>guistic hypo<strong>the</strong>sis holds that words sequences are assembled <strong>in</strong>tocomplex hierarchical recursive structures, i.e. constituents, ra<strong>the</strong>r than be<strong>in</strong>g l<strong>in</strong>earlyorganized [1,2]. Yet, a surpris<strong>in</strong>gly limited amount of empirical evidence is available todemonstrate <strong>the</strong> psychological reality of constituent structures: <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>vestigation of <strong>the</strong>subjective location of clicks heard dur<strong>in</strong>g speech perception suggested that constituentsfunction as perceptual units [3], whereas <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>vestigation of sentence learn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dicated thatconstituents represent <strong>the</strong> encod<strong>in</strong>g units underly<strong>in</strong>g recall processes [4]. In more recent years,neuroimag<strong>in</strong>g studies have complemented this limited behavioral literature, by effectivelydemonstrat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> neurobiological salience of <strong>the</strong> constituent structure. Studies on constituentstructure have traditionally been based on test<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> reaction of subjects to artificiallygenerated l<strong>in</strong>guistic stimuli [5,6]. Different experimental strategies have been employed tomeasure <strong>the</strong> neural correlates of syntactic processes with such stimuli: ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> reaction tosyntactic manipulations [7,8], or to syntactic errors [9-11], or <strong>the</strong> acquisition of syntactic rulesthat do or do not conform to human language universals [12-16]. Although suggestive of aneurobiological basis of constituent structure, <strong>the</strong> neuroimag<strong>in</strong>g evidence collected so far isnot entirely conclusive, as <strong>the</strong> existence of phrase structure was modelled somewhat a priori<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> experimental paradigms, <strong>in</strong>stead of be<strong>in</strong>g deduced <strong>in</strong> an unbiased manner as anemergent property of <strong>the</strong> data.Here we support <strong>the</strong> neuropsychological reality of phrase structures by adopt<strong>in</strong>g a newmethodology that is less prone to experimental biases: we asked <strong>the</strong> subjects to freely turnwell-formed sequences of words <strong>in</strong>to a disordered structure. The participants read pr<strong>in</strong>tedsentences or noun phrases aloud, one at a time. All <strong>the</strong> stimuli conta<strong>in</strong>ed 6 words, arranged <strong>in</strong>different constituent structures. Immediately after read<strong>in</strong>g one stimulus, <strong>the</strong> sentence washidden, and <strong>the</strong> subjects were <strong>in</strong>structed to repeat <strong>the</strong> same words as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> stimulus but <strong>in</strong> adifferent and completely arbitrary order. No constra<strong>in</strong>ts on <strong>the</strong> execution of this task nor anyexamples or o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>in</strong>ts were provided to <strong>the</strong> subjects. Responses were considered as correctif <strong>the</strong>y conta<strong>in</strong>ed all and only <strong>the</strong> words presented <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> stimulus, though arranged <strong>in</strong> adifferent order. An example of one stimulus and of a representative correct response is given<strong>in</strong> (1 a,b):(1 a) Stimulus: A thief has stolen <strong>the</strong> purses(1 b) Response: Purses <strong>the</strong> a thief stolen hasThis free distortion task <strong>in</strong>volves processes of pars<strong>in</strong>g, cod<strong>in</strong>g and storage <strong>in</strong> work<strong>in</strong>gmemory of <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ted word sequence [17], recall from memory, and executive processes tomonitor for word order, for <strong>the</strong> words already spoken, and for those yet to be uttered dur<strong>in</strong>gresponse. We hypo<strong>the</strong>sized that, <strong>in</strong> order to comply with <strong>the</strong> memory load task requirements,<strong>the</strong> participants would adopt a computationally more economical strategy than process<strong>in</strong>geach word separately, namely us<strong>in</strong>g familiar word chunks. Word chunk<strong>in</strong>g is thought to occurat <strong>the</strong> stage of encod<strong>in</strong>g and storage of <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic stimuli [18,19], determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a recallfacilitation for <strong>the</strong> units thus formed [20].We <strong>the</strong>refore identified preserved word sequences asan <strong>in</strong>dex of persistence of phrase structure to word order distortion, by means of a metric thatmeasured <strong>the</strong> amount of disorder and allowed us to test whe<strong>the</strong>r any regularities emerged
from <strong>the</strong> participants' responses. A Transitional Change Index (TCI) was assigned to eachWord Boundary (WB) between consecutive words <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> stimulus. We scored a TCI = 1, whentwo adjacent words <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> stimulus were placed <strong>in</strong> non-adjacent positions <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> response; aTCI = 0, when adjacency was ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed, irrespective of mutual word order.In a first experiment, <strong>in</strong> which we presented well-formed sentences <strong>in</strong> Italian, we expecteda higher mean TCI proportion <strong>in</strong> WBs between constituents than <strong>in</strong> WBs with<strong>in</strong> constituents,suggest<strong>in</strong>g that subjects were unconsciously sensitive to <strong>the</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g phrase structure of <strong>the</strong>stimuli, and that <strong>the</strong>y tended to preserve it <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir responses. This experiment alone, however,would not allow for a straightfoward <strong>in</strong>terpretation of phrase structure persistence, s<strong>in</strong>ce wordchunk<strong>in</strong>g may not be (solely) driven by morpho-syntactic factors (e.g., agreement), but ra<strong>the</strong>rby lexical-semantic factors (e.g. semantic coherence, co-occurrence frequency).In a second experiment, we <strong>the</strong>refore disentangled <strong>the</strong>se two possibilities, by replac<strong>in</strong>gopen class word roots with pseudo-word roots [11,12] <strong>in</strong> a subset of <strong>the</strong> stimuli used <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>first experiment, thus reduc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> lexical-semantic sentence content, while keep<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>syntactic constituent structure <strong>in</strong>tact. The use of pseudo-word roots constitutes an optimalcontrol for both semantic coherence and co-occurrence frequency, which <strong>in</strong> pseudo-wordstimuli is close to zero [21]. In Experiment 2, we expected to replicate <strong>the</strong> results ofExperiment 1, as an <strong>in</strong>dication that <strong>the</strong> regularity patterns unconsciously produced by <strong>the</strong>subjects were not due to ei<strong>the</strong>r lexical-semantics biases or <strong>the</strong> relative frequency of cooccurrenceof <strong>the</strong> words constitut<strong>in</strong>g each sentence, but ra<strong>the</strong>r to genu<strong>in</strong>e syntactic factors.The results showed that <strong>the</strong> subjects could not get rid of <strong>the</strong> underly<strong>in</strong>g phrase structure,albeit unconsciously. Although prompted to recomb<strong>in</strong>e words at random, our subjectsconsistently produced recomb<strong>in</strong>ation specific patterns depend<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>the</strong> type of <strong>in</strong>put phrasestructure. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> irrelevance of lexical-semantics biases and of <strong>the</strong> frequency of wordco-occurrence was demonstrated by compar<strong>in</strong>g stimuli formed by actual words with stimuliformed by <strong>in</strong>vented words. We propose that <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al methodology presented herehighlights <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> implicit syntactic knowledge that normal human subjects areunconsciously endowed with. Such spontaneous and unbiased constra<strong>in</strong>ts confirm <strong>the</strong>neurobehavioral substance of phrases <strong>in</strong> a novel manner and may lead to a deepercomprehension of <strong>the</strong> neural processes underly<strong>in</strong>g phrase structure syntactic process<strong>in</strong>g.REFERENCES1. Bloomfield, L. Language. (University of Chicago Press: Chicago, IL, 1933).2. Moro, A. The boundaries of Babel. (MIT Press: Cambridge, MA, 2008).3. Fodor, J. A. & Bever, T. G., J. Verb. Learn. Verb. Behav. 4, 414–420 (1965).4. Johnson, N. F., J. Verb. Learn. Verb. Behav. 4, 469–475 (1965).5. Abutalebi, J. et al., J. Neurosci. 27, 13762–13769 (2007).6. Pallier, C. et al., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 108, 2522 –2527 (2011).7. Dapretto, M. & Bookheimer, S. Y., Neuron 24, 427–432 (1999).8. Caplan, D. & Gow, D., Bra<strong>in</strong> Lang. 120, 174–186 (2012).9. Embick, D. et al., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 97, 6150 (2000).10. Ni, W. et al., J. Cogn. Neurosci. 12, 120–133 (2000).11. Moro, A. et al., Neuroimage 13, 110–118 (2001).12. Tettamanti, M. et al., Neuroimage 17, 700–709 (2002).13. Tettamanti, M. et al., Cortex 45, 825–838 (2009).14. Musso, M. et al., Nat. Neurosci. 6, 774–781 (2003).15. Friederici, A. D. et al., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 103, 2458–2463 (2006).16. Bahlmann, J. et al., Neuroimage 42, 525–534 (2008).
- Page 1 and 2: GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
- Page 3 and 4: INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
- Page 5: Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
- Page 8 and 9: REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
- Page 10 and 11: STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
- Page 12 and 13: 15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
- Page 14 and 15: 14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
- Page 16 and 17: 17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
- Page 18 and 19: 16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
- Page 20 and 21: GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
- Page 24 and 25: 17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
- Page 26 and 27: Second, tests replicated from Bruen
- Page 28 and 29: clusters is reported to be preferre
- Page 30 and 31: occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
- Page 32 and 33: argument that raises to pre-verbal
- Page 34 and 35: Timothy Bazalgette University of
- Page 36 and 37: . I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
- Page 38 and 39: Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
- Page 40 and 41: SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
- Page 42 and 43: ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
- Page 44 and 45: The absence of coreferential subjec
- Page 46 and 47: PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
- Page 48 and 49: A multi-step algorithm for serial o
- Page 50 and 51: Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
- Page 52 and 53: On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
- Page 54 and 55: Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
- Page 56 and 57: Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Anaphoric dependencies in real time
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Constraining Local Dislocation dial
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A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
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of Paths into P path and P place is
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Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
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Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
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Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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on v, one associated with uϕ and t
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the