Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, tt, kk/ should surface respectively [pː, tː, kː]. That'sindeed what we can observe in Swedish and Bokmål, in (3). In Danish however, we can seethat voiced stops, [b, d, g] are produced. We posit simple consonants in underlyingrepresentations and not geminates. Otherwise we can't justify why a consonant in a protectedenvironment (Lass 1984 : 182) undergoes lenition and why it's phonetically short.During a previous field study we recorded native speakers of Danish, Swedish andNorwegian (Bokmål) for reading and conversation tasks. Some unexpected data showed upwith the Danish speaker, they are presented in (4):(4). Danish (ikke) /ikə/ [ikə] not (lappe) /lapə/ [lapə] patch inf. (fatte) /fætə/ [fætə] catch inf.(klokken) /klogən/ [klokn̩] clockWhere Danish speaker was expected to produce voiced segments (intervocally), sheproduced [p, t, k] instead. This backs our proposal of underlying single voiceless stop: voicingwould then not be obligatory and the underlying segment surfaces without any change.Following Lass (1984) and his proposal explaining sound change, we assume that thesynchronic treatment of geminates in nordic languages allows us to reconstruct a sequence ofa developmental type from ON to today. We already mentioned that the jump from /pp/ to [b]without intermediate stage would be hard to justify. According to this and to Lass' hierarchyof segments in terms of phonological strength (1984 : 178) we assume the following sequence(we illustrate it with labial voiceless stops):(5). pp > p > bIn (5) [p] would be what Lass calls a missing link (1984 : 337), i.e. a stage we can reasonablyposit but for which we don't have diachronic data. If the literature never mentions [p] as theproduction of /pp/ for any nordic languages, we showed in (3) that it is however a possiblestage. Lass (1984) proposed that checking in the outputs of speakers could be a way to borneout assumptions about missing links, since the movement across the hierarchy a speaker cancontrol may be taken as a "possible sound change" (Lass 1984 : 333).Assuming that [p] is indeed the missing link leads to two implications: either speakershave access to the diachronic sequence, or the change is still in progress. Another, maybemore convincing, solution would be the one proposed in Nevins & Vaux (2006): speakersunderlying representations may be influenced by their knowledges of alternations andorthography. The datas in (4) are extracted from our reading task: the speaker had the wordsin front of her and she may have produced [p,t,k] because of the orthographic (double) p, t, k.We explore here the possibility of reconstructing the diachrony with the help of thesynchrony, considering the expected forms but also the particular or unexpected productionsmade by the speakers. In this way we should be able to find out the missing links between twoobservable stages, like we did in (5). We will also show how preaspiration fits in this scenario.In return, diachrony, and more particularly missing links, allows us to explains and to justifythe underlying representations we posit (here for Danish former "geminates").ANDERSSON E. (2002). "Swedish", in EKKEHARD K. & VAN DER AUWERA J., The Germanic Languages.Routledge, Londres - New York : 271-312. / ÁRNASON K. (2011). The Phonology of Icelandic andFaroese. Oxford University Press, New-York. / BASBØLL H. (2005). Phonology of Danish. OxfordUniversity Press, New-York. / DRESHER B. E. (2009). The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonology.Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. / HALL D. (2007). The role and Representation of Contrast inPhonological Theory. PhD Thesis, University Toronto. / HAYES B. (1986). "Inalterability in CVPhonology", in Language, Vol. 62, num. 2 : 321 – 351. / KRISTOFFERSEN G. (2000). The Phonology ofNorwegian. Oxford University Press, New York. /LASS R. (1984). Phonology. An Introduction to basicConcepts. Cambridge University Press. / NEVINS A & VAUX B. (2006). Underlying Representations thatdo not Minimize Grammatical " Violations ". Ms.
Possessor case in Udmurt: A local reanalysis as fusional case stackingPhilipp Weisserphilipp.weisser@uni-leipzig.deUniversität LeipzigDoreen Georgigeorgi@uni-leipzig.deUniversität LeipzigTimo Kleintimo.klein@uni-leipzig.deUniversität LeipzigAnke Assmannanke.assmann@uni-leipzig.deUniversität LeipzigClaim: We claim that an alleged non-local case dependency in the Uralic language Udmurt canbe reanalyzed as a local dependency. According to the literature, Udmurt exhibits a case split:the actual case value of a possessor (Poss) in a DP depends on the grammatical function (GF)of that DP, an information that is not locally available at the point of case assignment in theDP. However, the traditional formulation of the generalization is ambiguous because GFs are notdefined precisely. We disambiguate the term by testing predictions of potential interpretationsof the generalization and present new data that show that the correct generalization is not aboutGFs but rather about the case value of the DP that contains Poss. These findings facilitate alocal reanalysis in terms of case stacking: arguments in Udmurt possess two case slots to whichcase values are assigned locally in the syntactic component. Due to a morphological constraint,these two case values must be fused into one in the postsyntactic morphological component. Thisresulting value is realized by an exponent that is different from the exponents that would haverealized each of the two original case values, thus creating the illusion of a case split.An alleged non-local case dependency: In Udmurt, Poss can bear either genitive (GEN) orablative (ABL). The case values are in complementary distribution: According to the literature,GEN is the default possessor case; ABL occurs if the DP that contains Poss functions as a directobject (DO), cf. (1) (Csúcs 1988, Kel’makov 1993, Vilkuna 1997, Winkler 2001, Nikolaeva 2002,Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2003, Suihkonen 2005, Edygarova 2009).(1)a. so-len/*-leš eš-ez siče ug diśaśki b. so-leš/*-len eš-s-e ažžiśkohe-GEN/ABL friend-3SG such dress NEG.PRES.3SG he-ABL/GEN friend-3SG-ACC see.PRES.1SG‘His friend does not dress such a way.’ ‘I see his friend.’ (Edygarova 2009)Under a strictly derivational model of grammar in which the structure unfolds step by step in abottom-up fashion (cf. Chomsky 1995 et seq.), case assignment to Poss in Udmurt seems to benon-local: Poss is assigned case within the DP that contains Poss and the possessum. But thechoice of the concrete case value of Poss seems to depend on the GF of the DP. In minimalism,the GF of a DP is determined by the position of the DP in the structure. A DP is a direct object ifit is the sister of V. But this information is not available at the point of case assignment within DPbecause the DP is not yet merged with an external head when Poss is assigned case. Hence, thereis a look-ahead problem. Assigning case to Poss after Merge with the external head does not helpeither: In this case, case assignment would be counter-cyclic, affecting only elements in the DPcycle. Two questions arise: (a) Where does ABL come from? (b) How can case assignment bemodeled in a strictly derivational grammar without look-ahead?Distribution of the ablative: The answers depend on the conditions in which ABL is used: theliterature says that ABL occurs when the DP is a ‘direct object’, but the term is never preciselydefined, although it is ambiguous: (a) Thematic role: Poss gets ABL if the DP containing Posshas the macro-role patient; (b) Position in the tree: Poss gets ABL if the DP containing Poss isselected by the head V; (c) Case: Poss gets ABL if the DP containing Poss is assigned accusativecase. These hypotheses make different predictions that we tested with a native speaker (data in(2) to (5) from Svetlana Edygarova). Hypothesis (a) predicts that ABL should be preserved onPoss under passivization (passive changes the GF but not the thematic role of the object DP in(2a)). As (2b) shows, ABL changes to GEN under passivization; this falsifies hypothesis (a).Hypothesis (b) predicts that if the sole argument DP of the passivized verb in (2b) remains withinits VP-internal base position, Poss should get ABL case. However, this prediction is not borne1
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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Motivating head movement: The case
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Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
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Same, different, other, and the his
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Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
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Page 148 and 149: Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
Page 150 and 151: Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
Page 152 and 153: Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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Page 168 and 169: follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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Page 172 and 173: Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Page 182 and 183: (5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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