properties with Appl (<strong>in</strong>troduces an argument ‘above’ ano<strong>the</strong>r subevent) and thus may be classedwith Appl for <strong>the</strong> purposes of case, <strong>in</strong> which case experiencer subjects can be assigned dative.Similarly, if C <strong>in</strong> a given language licenses a hang<strong>in</strong>g topic, <strong>the</strong>n it licenses a noun phrase andhence assigns case. It could ei<strong>the</strong>r assign a special ‘topic’ case (as <strong>in</strong> Japanese), or it could assigna case that is morphologically <strong>in</strong>dist<strong>in</strong>ct from some o<strong>the</strong>r case. Of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r case assigners, T issemantically <strong>the</strong> most similar to C, so if <strong>the</strong> case on hang<strong>in</strong>g topics is syncretized with any o<strong>the</strong>rcase, it will be syncretized with <strong>the</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>ative (as <strong>in</strong> Icelandic). A prepositional head, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rhand, might be semantically more like an applicative, hence assign dative, or more like Asp, henceassign accusative . Or a language might dist<strong>in</strong>guish it from both, and have a dist<strong>in</strong>ct prepositionalcase (as <strong>in</strong> Russian).Thus, universally, case is assigned by a class of functional heads, which are grouped and classifiedaccord<strong>in</strong>g to semantically <strong>in</strong>terpretable features. Surface cases <strong>in</strong> most languages simplyunderspecify <strong>the</strong> exact identity of <strong>the</strong> licenser, so that a s<strong>in</strong>gle case appears <strong>in</strong> multiple contexts.Languages make cuts <strong>in</strong> different places, when <strong>the</strong>re are multiple features <strong>in</strong>volved, e.g. [poss,exp]could be classed toge<strong>the</strong>r with [poss] or more like [exp].Any head <strong>in</strong> a syntactic structure needs to be lexicalized, or ‘spelled out.’ Morphologicalproductivity has to do with what lexical items a language has to spell out a given head. A headwith only a small number of potential lexicalizers is not productive, for example ditransitive verbsare <strong>the</strong> only lexicalizers for dative-assign<strong>in</strong>g Appl <strong>in</strong> Icelandic, so benefactive <strong>in</strong>direct objects are notproductive. A language can ga<strong>in</strong> or lose lexicalizers, mak<strong>in</strong>g a phenomenon more or less productive.If it <strong>in</strong>novates a free morpheme for a given head (possibly null), <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> phenomenon becomesfully productive.4. Analysis. The core dative assigner is a low applicative head Appl, which is lexically <strong>in</strong>corporated<strong>in</strong>to a closed class of verbs like ‘give.’ Any head which is semantically similar to it and whichis designated as a case assigner can be grouped with it <strong>in</strong> a given language’s case system.4.1 Icelandic. In Icelandic, <strong>the</strong>re is no free lexicalizer for Appl, which cont<strong>in</strong>ues to be lexically restricted,so <strong>the</strong>re are no free benefactives. A mean<strong>in</strong>g component <strong>in</strong> ballistic motion verbs (proc Mot )has been identified semantically with Appl, because like Appl it <strong>in</strong>troduces a dist<strong>in</strong>ct subevent comparedwith <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itiat<strong>in</strong>g or caus<strong>in</strong>g event (along <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>es suggested by Svenonius). At <strong>the</strong> sametime, an experiencer-<strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g head (v Exp ) with similar Aktionsartal properties (i.e. <strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>ga dist<strong>in</strong>ct subevent) has become productive (i.e. a null lexicalizer for it has been <strong>in</strong>novated),lead<strong>in</strong>g to “dative sickness.” These two changes contribute substantially to <strong>the</strong> spread of dative <strong>in</strong>Icelandic, compared with <strong>Old</strong> Norse.4.2 Faroese. Faroese has <strong>in</strong>novated a null lexicalizer for Appl. This allows Faroese to appear with‘free benefactives’ which are not possible <strong>in</strong> Icelandic. However, a low dative-<strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g head <strong>in</strong>Faroese has become less productive, by los<strong>in</strong>g its lexicalizers, hence <strong>the</strong> range of dative secondaryobjects has retreated, compared to <strong>Old</strong> Norse (and to Icelandic).4.3 Övdalian. In Icelandic, <strong>the</strong> possessive head Poss licenses genitive case, but Övdalian has lostthis case, which has been reanalyzed as a possessive clitic lexicaliz<strong>in</strong>g Poss. This raises <strong>the</strong> questionof what case is assigned to <strong>the</strong> possessor. Just as <strong>in</strong> some German dialects, <strong>the</strong> answer is dative; <strong>in</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong>re is a semantic similarity between Poss and Appl which is recognized by Övdalian<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case system. At <strong>the</strong> same time, Övdalian has replaced many dative experiencers withnom<strong>in</strong>atives, suggest<strong>in</strong>g that it has developed a more restrictive <strong>in</strong>terpretation for v Exp .4.4 Norwegian. In Norwegian, <strong>the</strong> def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g characteristics of dative have been redef<strong>in</strong>ed to excludev Exp but to <strong>in</strong>clude a number of prepositions which were not <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> <strong>Old</strong> Norse. This meansthat dative appears on many prepositional objects, as well as with a lexically restricted set of <strong>the</strong>orig<strong>in</strong>al ditransitives benefactives, but not on experiencers.
Anti-reconstruction, anti-agreement and <strong>the</strong> dynamics of A-movementGary Thoms, University of Ed<strong>in</strong>burghIn this paper we propose an analysis of agreement-based antireconstruction effects. Focus<strong>in</strong>gon British 'team DPs', we show that reconstruction seems to be subject to a representationalcondition barr<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation of non-exhaustively-agree<strong>in</strong>g DPs <strong>in</strong> 'agreementpositions;' however we propose that this representational constra<strong>in</strong>t has a derivational basis,aris<strong>in</strong>g as a direct consequence of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of movement and locality proposed by Richardsand van Urk (2012) as applied to (cyclic) A-movement.Team DPs and anti-reconstruction. In British English, <strong>the</strong> class of group nouns like team,committee and group allow for both plural and s<strong>in</strong>gular agreement on <strong>the</strong> verb, and <strong>in</strong> general<strong>the</strong>y display both s<strong>in</strong>gular and plural characteristics, sometimes simultaneously (though seeSmith 2012). As noted by Sauerland and Elbourne (2002; S&E), <strong>the</strong>se 'team DPs' (henceforthTDPs) display curious anti-reconstruction effects <strong>in</strong> plural agreement contexts: <strong>the</strong>y do notundergo A-reconstruction for scope (1a), cf. s<strong>in</strong>gular-agree<strong>in</strong>g (1b). S&E also note that TDPsalso show apparent anti-agreement <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> contexts, be<strong>in</strong>g unable to trigger pluralagreement <strong>in</strong> a postverbal position <strong>in</strong> existentials (2). S&E argue that <strong>the</strong>se two phenomenaare related, expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g it <strong>in</strong> terms of a PF-movement <strong>the</strong>ory of A-reconstruction. For S&E,standard A-reconstruction (i.e. 1b's <strong>in</strong>verse scope read<strong>in</strong>g) does not <strong>in</strong>volve phrasal A-movement <strong>in</strong> narrow syntax; ra<strong>the</strong>r, it <strong>in</strong>volves feature movement (Chomsky 1995) ofagreement-related features to Spec,TP <strong>in</strong> narrow syntax, <strong>the</strong>n PF movement of <strong>the</strong> subject toSpec,TP <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> post-syntactic derivation; this way, <strong>the</strong> semantic features of <strong>the</strong> DP stay <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>lower position, thus deriv<strong>in</strong>g low scope (`reconstruction'). S&E assume that agreement <strong>in</strong>expletives <strong>in</strong>volves feature movement, and by stipulat<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> special plural-agree<strong>in</strong>gfeatures on TDPs (called 'mereology' features) are unable to undergo feature movement, <strong>the</strong>yderive (1)-(2): both <strong>the</strong> low scope read<strong>in</strong>g of (1a) and <strong>the</strong> plural agree<strong>in</strong>g (2) require featuremovement to Spec,TP, and so both are correlated and both ruled out. S&E's <strong>the</strong>ory thuspredicts a correlation of anti-agreement and anti-reconstruction, where both are borne of'immobile features.'(1) a. A Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team are likely to be <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al. (*likely > E)b. A Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team is likely to be <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al. (likely > E)(2) *There are likely to be a Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al. (cf. <strong>the</strong>re is likely...)Reconstruct<strong>in</strong>g elsewhere. We show that S&E's account has a number of empirical problemswith <strong>the</strong> TDP paradigm and <strong>the</strong> correlation of anti-agreement and anti-reconstruction moregenerally. First, TDPs can reconstruct for scope under negation (3) and IP-adverbs (4); <strong>in</strong>deedwe note that <strong>the</strong> general preference for surface scope is reversed <strong>in</strong> cases with '<strong>in</strong>flectional'negation n't (5). This may suggest that TDPs only resist reconstruction across non-f<strong>in</strong>iteclause boundaries, but this is disproven by <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>y do not <strong>in</strong>vert for scope withano<strong>the</strong>r QP even <strong>in</strong> monoclausal cases (6).(3) A Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team have not made it to <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al. (not > a)(4) A Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team have rarely failed to make it to <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al. (rarely > a)(5) A Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team haven't made it to <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al. (not > a; ?/a > not)(6) #A Nor<strong>the</strong>rn team have beaten every German team <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> competition. (*every > a)Many authors have argued on empirical grounds that object>subject scope <strong>in</strong> monoclausalcontexts required QR of <strong>the</strong> object to a vP-adjo<strong>in</strong>ed position (or higher) and reconstruction of<strong>the</strong> subject to Spec,vP (Hornste<strong>in</strong> 1995, Johnson and Tomioka 1997, Fox 2000, Nev<strong>in</strong>s andAnand 2003). Given this, we propose <strong>the</strong> generalization is that it is not possible to reconstruct<strong>in</strong>to Spec,vP, <strong>the</strong> base position of monoclausal subjects and phase edge through which cyclicA-movement to matrix Spec,TP must proceed; this rules out (6) and it also gets (1a) on <strong>the</strong>assumption that A-movement proceeds through cyclic Specs (i.e. Sauerland 2003) and thatreconstruction (however construed) must obey some version of cyclicity (i.e. if we can’t
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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modality, or ii) see phonology as m
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(I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
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1The historical reality of biolingu
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Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
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THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
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