51525354555657585960616263646566676869707172737475767778798081828384858687888990919293949596979899100bro<strong>the</strong>r”. As earlier reported by L<strong>in</strong>coln (1976), “Banoni speakers tend to shorten longvowels, except when necessary for disambiguation”.(4) Heterophone ma<strong>in</strong>tenance <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> pragmatic doma<strong>in</strong>: neutraliz<strong>in</strong>g alternations ormergers that o<strong>the</strong>rwise apply pervasively are blocked “on l<strong>in</strong>e”, due to situation-specificsemantic or pragmatic factors. For example, Catalan has an alternation <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g f<strong>in</strong>aldevoic<strong>in</strong>g. This voic<strong>in</strong>g alternation is more likely to be nearly-neutralized (as opposed tocompletely neutralized) if (1) <strong>the</strong> forms are m<strong>in</strong>imally dist<strong>in</strong>ct on this voic<strong>in</strong>g dimension (-“rich”, - “I laugh, pres. <strong>in</strong>d.”; - “duke”, - “I carry, pres. <strong>in</strong>d.”) and (2) <strong>the</strong>sem<strong>in</strong>imally dist<strong>in</strong>ct would-be homophonic forms are <strong>in</strong> contexts that would o<strong>the</strong>rwise besemantically ambiguous. Charles-Luce (1993): “[W]hen semantically bias<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation isabsent, underly<strong>in</strong>g voic<strong>in</strong>g is dist<strong>in</strong>guished, regardless of <strong>the</strong> assimilatory environments.However, when semantically bias<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation is present, vowel duration shows <strong>the</strong>predicted effects of regressive voice assimilation”.(5) Heterophone ma<strong>in</strong>tenance <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> morphological doma<strong>in</strong>: neutraliz<strong>in</strong>g alternations ormergers may evolve, but any counter-functional consequences are offset by a concomitantmorphological response. The classic example here is coda attrition vis-à-vis compound<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>Ch<strong>in</strong>ese. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to most written evidence, Middle Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, unlike certa<strong>in</strong> of its modernreflexes, was predom<strong>in</strong>antly monosyllabic, and only consonants that possessed oralocclusions () appeared <strong>in</strong> root-f<strong>in</strong>al position. Some contemporary dialects likeCantonese reta<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se six consonants, but o<strong>the</strong>rs, such as Mandar<strong>in</strong>, have drastically reducedthis set to only two members ().This drastic loss of phonetic content resulted <strong>in</strong> asignificant amount of root homophony: Cantonese has about 1800 syllable shapes, butMandar<strong>in</strong> has only about 1300, with largely equivalent semantic reference (Duanmu 2000).But concomitant with <strong>the</strong> attrition of its root-f<strong>in</strong>al consonants, Mandar<strong>in</strong>—unlikeCantonese—co-evolved a huge <strong>in</strong>ventory of two-root compounds, which means that its wordsare now usually twice as long, and so have ample opportunity to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> heterophony.(6) Heterophone ma<strong>in</strong>tenance <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> lexical doma<strong>in</strong>: neutraliz<strong>in</strong>g alternations or mergersmay pervade <strong>the</strong> lexicon, but a would-be homophonic form comes to be replaced by asemantically analogous heterophone. Such patterns, please note, are anecdotal by <strong>the</strong>ir nature.One example of many: Bloomfield (1933) reports that, <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn French dialects,f<strong>in</strong>al has merged toward f<strong>in</strong>al . While Standard French has “pretty”, this dialect has .Because of <strong>the</strong> sound change, <strong>the</strong> Standard Sou<strong>the</strong>rn French word for “cock” (“chicken”),, would be pronounced here. However, <strong>the</strong>se sou<strong>the</strong>rn speakers don’t use . Instead,<strong>the</strong>y use a variety of o<strong>the</strong>r local terms, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g “chick” (<strong>in</strong> Standard Sou<strong>the</strong>rn French,but here). Why? If had been ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed, it would have been pronounced , which isalso <strong>the</strong> word for “cat”, both <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> standard dialect, and <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> rural dialect. Bloomfield:“This homonymy must have caused trouble <strong>in</strong> practical life; <strong>the</strong>refore was avoided andreplaced by makeshift words”.Synchronic phonology is substance-free: it <strong>in</strong>vestigates <strong>the</strong> mental organization of aparticular body of knowledge, and should thus be pursued <strong>in</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ated tandem withlearn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>orists and cognitive psychologists. They learn from our data; we learn from <strong>the</strong>ir<strong>the</strong>ories. Diachronic phonology is substance-rich: <strong>the</strong> shape and change of phonologicalsystems derive from an exceed<strong>in</strong>gly complex <strong>in</strong>teraction of semantic (functional) pressuresand phonetic (formal) pressures that are, <strong>in</strong> turn, subject to passive, evolutive pressures thatare decidedly functional <strong>in</strong> character. Our job as phonologists is to isolate and untangle <strong>the</strong>sehighly dist<strong>in</strong>ct though highly <strong>in</strong>terdependent pressures, and to explicate and motivate <strong>the</strong>ir<strong>in</strong>teraction. In this paper <strong>the</strong>n, I consider but one of many ways <strong>in</strong> which l<strong>in</strong>guistic soundsystems respond to both phonetic and semantic pressures—<strong>the</strong> only components of l<strong>in</strong>guisticstructure that are empirically ascerta<strong>in</strong>able (Kiparsky 1973)—such that <strong>the</strong> communicativefunction of language is <strong>in</strong>evitably fulfilled. (Refs. to be supplied.)
Endoclisis (only) by Phonological MeansPeter W. Smith, University of Connecticut (peter.w.smith@uconn.edu)Overview: The purported existence of endoclisis (placement of a clitic <strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>tramorphemicposition) poses serious questions for almost every <strong>the</strong>ory of syntax and morphology,and is an operation that is impossible to model <strong>in</strong> a framework such as Distributed Morphology(DM). We consider data from Udi (Nakh-Daghestanian) and argue that what are claimedto be endoclitics are actually second position clitics with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> doma<strong>in</strong> of <strong>the</strong> complex V 0 .Instances where <strong>the</strong> clitic is unambiguously placed <strong>in</strong>tramorphemically are shown to resultfrom an additional meta<strong>the</strong>sis operation, employed to repair a morphotactic violation. We fur<strong>the</strong>revaluate <strong>the</strong> status of endoclisis as part of UG with ano<strong>the</strong>r reported case from Pashto(Indo-Iranian), and show that too is consistent with our proposal that UG does not directlypermit endoclisis, but it can arise as a consequence of phonological operations (see Halle2001 on <strong>in</strong>fixation).Udi person marker (PM) placement: PM clitics <strong>in</strong> Udi constitute <strong>the</strong> clearest <strong>in</strong>stance ofendoclisis <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature. Harris (2002) shows that at times <strong>the</strong> PMs unambiguously appear<strong>in</strong>tramorphemically, for <strong>in</strong>stance <strong>in</strong> (1) where <strong>the</strong> PM ne lies with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> monomorphemic verbalroot beγ. Harris shows <strong>the</strong> rules plac<strong>in</strong>g PM clitics <strong>in</strong> Udi must make reference to syntactic<strong>in</strong>formation, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>y follow a ranked series of rules sensitive to tense-aspect-mood(TAM) <strong>in</strong>formation, (2), and focus (3). In addition to appear<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>side verbal roots, PM cliticsalso appear between <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>corporated element (IncE) and light verb <strong>in</strong> complex verbs (4).(1) pasčaγ-un γar-en gölö bẹ-ne-γ-sa met’a-laxo [verb = bẹγ- ‘look at’]k<strong>in</strong>g-GEN boy-ERG much look1-3SG-look2-PRES this.GEN-on‘The pr<strong>in</strong>ce looks at this for a long time.’(2) q’ačaγ-γ-on bez täng<strong>in</strong>ax bašq’al-q’unthief-PL-ERG my money.DAT steal-FUTII-3PL‘Thieves will steal my money.’(3) täzä [k’oǰ-q’un foc] biq’-e išq’ar-muγ-onnew house-3PL build-AORII man-PL-ERG‘The men build a new house.’(4) nana-n bụγa-ne-b-e p’ạ ačik’alšey [(complex) verb = bụγa-b- ‘to f<strong>in</strong>d’]mo<strong>the</strong>r-ERG f<strong>in</strong>d-3SG-DO-AORII two toyf<strong>in</strong>d-do-‘Mo<strong>the</strong>r found two toys.’Analyses given for this behavior (see Harris 2002, Anderson 2005) are uniformly representational,couched <strong>in</strong> Optimality Theoretic alignment constra<strong>in</strong>ts, such as Harris’ <strong>in</strong> (5). This approachhowever entails that clitics are placed by <strong>the</strong> syntax directly <strong>in</strong>side morphemes with<strong>the</strong> cases <strong>in</strong> (1), hence endoclisis must be a basic operation of UG, see Harris’ def<strong>in</strong>ition (6).(5) Align-PM-al/a ≫ Align-PM-FocC ≫ Align-PM-IncE ≫ Align-PM-Verbstem= constra<strong>in</strong>t for (TAM) (focus) (complex verbs) (simplex verbs)(6) Align-PM-VerbstemAlign (PM, R, Verbstem, R)“Align <strong>the</strong> right edge of <strong>the</strong> person marker to <strong>the</strong> right edge of <strong>the</strong> verbstem.”Proposal: Under basic DM assumptions, true endoclisis is impossible to model; do<strong>in</strong>g soentails plac<strong>in</strong>g clitics <strong>in</strong>side a term<strong>in</strong>al node. The facts of (1) are <strong>the</strong>refore extremely challeng<strong>in</strong>g.We argue that <strong>the</strong>se cases are not <strong>in</strong> fact true endoclisis, and <strong>the</strong> PMs are really encliticsmade to look like endoclitics as <strong>the</strong> result of <strong>the</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ation of three quirks of Udi: (i)<strong>the</strong> elsewhere rule of PM placement, (7c), (ii) a rigid requirement of Udi that <strong>the</strong> verbal rootbe adjacent to TAM suffixes, and (iii) <strong>the</strong> availability of meta<strong>the</strong>sis to repair violations to (ii)by mov<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g material ly<strong>in</strong>g between <strong>the</strong> stem and TAM suffixes. Specifically, we1
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
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Improper movement and improper agre
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Importantly, while there are plausi
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This hypothesis makes two predictio
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(3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
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However when the VP (or IP) is elid
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More specifically, this work reflec
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